I Am Dynamite! lacks the philosophical scope of prior biographies by Rdiger Safranski and Julian Young, but Prideaux is a stylish and witty narrator. She begins with the pivotal event in Nietzsches life: his introduction, in 1868, to Wagner, the most consequential German cultural figure of the day. Nietzsche would soon assume a professorship in Basel, at the astonishingly young age of twenty-four, but he jumped at the chance to join the Wagner operation. For the next eight years, as Wagner completed his operatic cycle The Ring of the Nibelung and prepared for its premire, Nietzsche served as a propagandist for the Wagnerian cause and as the Meisters factotum. He then broke away, declaring his intellectual independence first with coded critiques and then with unabashed polemics. Accounts of this immensely complicated relationship are too often distorted by prejudice on one side or another. Nietzscheans and Wagnerians both tend to off-load ideological problems onto the rival camp; Prideaux succumbs to this temptation. She insists that Nietzsches talk of a superior brood of blond beasts has no modern racial connotation, and casts Wagners Siegfried as an Aryan hero who rides to the redemption of the world. In fact, Siegfried is a fallen hero who rides nowhere; the redeemer of the world is Brnnhilde.

Prideauxs picture of the Wagner-Nietzsche relationship fails to explain either the intensity of their bond or the trauma of their break. Early on, Nietzsche was hopelessly infatuated with Wagners music and personality. He described the friendship as my only love affair. As with many infatuations, Nietzsches expectations were wildly exaggerated. He hoped that the Ring would revive the cultural paradise of ancient Greece, fusing Apollonian beauty and Dionysian savagery. He envisaged an audience of lite aesthetes who would carry a transfiguring message to the outer world. Wagner, too, revered Greek culture, but he was fundamentally a man of the theatre, and tailored his ideals to the realities of the stage. At the first Bayreuth Festival, in 1876, Nietzsche was crestfallen to discover that a viable theatre operation required the patronage of the nouveau riche and the fashionable.

Personal differences between the two men provide amusing anecdotes. Nietzsche made sporadic attempts at musical composition, one of which caused Wagner to have a laughing fit. (The music is not very good, but it is not as bad as all that.) Wagner also suggested to Nietzsches doctor that the young mans medical issues were the result of excessive masturbation. But the disagreements went much deeper, revealing a rift between ideologies and epochs. Wagner embodied the nineteenth century, in all its grandeur and delusion; Nietzsche was the dynamic, destructive torchbearer of the twentieth.

When they first met, they shared an admiration for the philosophical pessimism of Arthur Schopenhauer, who saw a world governed by the insatiable striving of the will. Only through the renunciation of worldly desire, Schopenhauer posited, can we free ourselves from our incessant drives. Aesthetic experience is one avenue to self-overcomingan idea that the art-besotted Nietzsche seized upon. But he disdained Schopenhauers emphasis on the practice of compassion, which also promises release from the grasping ego. Wagner, by contrast, claimed to value compassion above all other emotions. Parsifal, his final opera, has as its motto Durch Mitleid wissend, der reine Tor (The pure fool, knowing through pity). Nietzsches 1878 book, Human, All Too Human, his inaugural assault on Wagner and Romantic metaphysics, hammers away at the word Mitleid, considering it an instrument of weakness. In its place, Nietzsche praises hardness, force, cruelty. Culture simply cannot do without passions, vices, and acts of malice, he writes.

These views made Wagner wince, as the diaries of Cosima Wagner, his wife, attest. In an earlier essay entitled The Greek State, Nietzsche had declared that slavery belongs to the essence of a culture. The intellectual historian Martin Ruehl speculates that Wagner persuaded Nietzsche to omit the essay from his first book, The Birth of Tragedy Out of the Spirit of Music (1872), which culminates in a paean to Wagner. During the same period, though, Nietzsche was castigating German tendencies toward nationalist chauvinism and anti-Semitismconspicuous elements in Wagners political blatherings. What seems particularly unfortunate about the break is that each man had an acute sense of the others blindnesses.

Nietzsche not only rejected the sublime longings of nineteenth-century Romanticism; he also jettisoned the teleology of historical progress that had governed European thought since the Renaissance, and that had found its most formidable advocate in Hegel. Instead, Nietzsche grounded himself in a version of naturalismthe post-Darwinian conviction that humans are an animal species, led by no transcendent purpose. This turn yields Nietzsches most controversial concepts: the announcement of the death of God; the eternal return, which frames existence in terms of endlessly repeating cycles; and the will to power, which involves a ceaseless struggle for survival and mastery. It might be said that Nietzsche, in backing away from Wagner, backed into his own mature thoughtthe celebration of Dionysian energy, the triumphal yes to life over and above all death and change.

Between his final meeting with Wagner, in 1876, and his mental collapse of 1889, Nietzsche lived the life of an intellectual ascetic. Health problems caused him to resign his professorship in 1879; from then on, he adopted a nomadic life style, summering in the Swiss Alps and wintering, variously, in Genoa, Rapallo, Venice, Nice, and Turin. He wrote a dozen books, of increasingly idiosyncratic character, poised between philosophy, aphoristic cultural criticism, polemic, and autobiography. He worked out many of his ideas during vigorous Alpine hikesa practice fondly re-created by John Kaag in the recent book Hiking with Nietzsche. The possibility of a romance with the psychologist Lou Andreas-Salom arose and then subsided; a serious relationship was probably beyond his reach. The landscape of the mind consumed his attention. As Safranski wrote, For Nietzsche, thinking was an act of extreme emotional intensity. He thought the way others feel.

Translating Nietzsche is a difficult task, but the swagger of his prose, with its pithy strikes and sudden swerves, can be fairly readily approximated in English. Kaufmann, in his translations, brought to bear a strong, pugnacious style. In his introductions and footnotes, he distanced Nietzsche from fascist bombastnaming the bermensch the Overman was just one strategyand recast him as a kind of existentialist. But Kaufmann underplayed Nietzsches slippery elegance, and his choice not to translate Human, All Too Human and its successor, Dawn (1881), gave a skewed view of the thinkers development. A series of translations from Cambridge University Press covered the gaps. Now Stanford University Press is halfway through a nineteen-volume edition of Nietzsches complete writings and notebooks. The press has been threatened with cuts in funding, but if the project is achieved English readers will have, for the first time, access to the entirety of Nietzsches work.

Since 1967, the German publisher De Gruyter has been amassing a critical edition of Nietzsches complete writings, which can be browsed on a dizzyingly comprehensive Web site, nietzschesource.org. This monumental project has, to the annoyance of some scholars, attracted increasing attention to Nietzsches extensive notebooks. These show a less awe-inspiring side of the philosopher, as he jots down items from his reading and delivers utterances esoteric, mundane, and bizarre:

Read more from the original source:
Nietzsches Eternal Return | The New Yorker

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Philosophy

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List Rules Must be a famous or well-known quote. If a quote is cut off you can hover over the text to see the full quote.

A list of the best Friedrich Nietzsche quotes. List is arranged by which ones are the most famous Friedrich Nietzsche quotes and which have proven the most popular with visitors to this page. All the top quotes from Friedrich Nietzsche should be listed here, but if any were missed you can add more quotes by Friedrich Nietzsche at the end of the list. This list includes notable Friedrich Nietzsche quotes on various subjects; if you are looking for subject-specific quotes, those can also be found on Ranker along with the authors name.

This list answers the questions, "what is a list of Friedrich Nietzsche quotes?" and "what are the most famous Friedrich Nietzsche quotes?"

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dinni added And those who were dancing were thought to be insane,by those who could not hear the music.

schlimmerjaeger added The higher we soar the smaller we appear to those who cannot fly.

schlimmerjaeger added The Christian resolution to find the world ugly and bad has made the world ugly and bad.

schlimmerjaeger added The individual has always had to struggle to keep from being overwhelmed by the tribe. If you try it, you will be lonely often, and sometimes frightened. But no price is too high to pay for the privilege of owning yourself.

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Best Friedrich Nietzsche Quotes | List of Famous Friedrich ...

The class of 2020 always knew they were special. Born in the shadow of 9/11, they grew up listening to their familys stories of that day and the aftermath; they grew up listening to stories of how strangers stepped up to help out each other; they grew up listening to stories of why older siblings had decided to join the military to fight Americas latest threat. They grew up during a time of economic prosperity and they were confident that graduation from high school was a step that would launch them into a world they had dreamed of and where they had a myriad of choices. Go to college? Sure, fill out this application and youre in. Take a gap year and travel the world? Sure, get your passport and a backpack and youre all set to go. Find a job in the oilfield? Sure, learn to get good and dirty but youll be able to buy that pickup or house youve been dreaming of. Buy the family ranch? Sure, your parents will be grateful to pass on what generations of your family have worked hard to build.

When the news of a strain of coronavirus that had appeared in Wuhan, China first hit the headlines and social media, it caused some concern and a great deal of interest, but that was in China. How could a virus in China impact our lives in Baker, Montana? We watched as the virus spread throughout the world; in February cruise ships began quarantining passengers - keeping cruise-goers on board for weeks before allowing them to disembark. Then Italy reported a spike in infections and by the end of February, the first reported US death from COVID-19 was reported in Seattle and a do not travel to Italy and China advisory was issued to Americans. But still, we live in Baker, Montana.

On March 13, President Trump declared a national emergency and state after state ordered the mandatory closing of schools, colleges, universities, restaurants, stores, malls, and even public parks. When the students and staff of Baker Public Schools left school for the weekend on Friday, March 13, they had no idea that would be the last time they would have the opportunity to be together as one. Their thoughts and plans were focused on the upcoming Prom, Track, Golf, Tennis, State FFA, State BPA, Close-Up, National Student Council, graduation trips, graduation itself.

Suddenly the class of 2020 was right in the middle of another national crisis - the Pandemic of 2020. All their carefully laid plans, all their hopes, all their dreams, were suddenly put on hold, if not discarded outright. Many tried to reassure themselves that the shutdown would only last a few weeks; surely by May 1 we could all be back in school and life would continue as normal. The slight bump of COVID-19 would soon be only an unpleasant memory. But, as we all know, thats not how it turned out.

Across the world, there are students who never got to really say good-bye to their teachers; there are teachers who never got that last day of their career with their kids and colleagues; there are families who didnt get to sit by their loved ones bed and hold their hands as they died; there are families who have lost their jobs and dont know how theyre going to pay their mortgages, their car payments, their familys food. Putting it in that perspective, life can always be worse. Yes, there are many milestones in our lives that have had to be changed or perhaps even cancelled, but life does go on. Friedrich Nietzsche said, That which does not kill us, makes us stronger. Those words are never more true than today. We are fortunate to live in a community that has worked hard to make certain our lives can go on as normally as possible. The Class of 2020 DID get a graduation ceremony as scheduled on Sunday, May 17.

Superintendent Aaron Skogen delivered the commencement address to the students who were seated in the Schillinger Stadium - with the proper social distancing limits imposed. Immediate family members were seated in the grandstands and friends and other family members lined the fence of the stadium to listen to the ceremony and to cheer on the graduating class. Our local radio station, KFLN, sponsored a live broadcast of the ceremony and the NFHS network streamed the event.

There were four Valedictorians, Katie Wang, Caleb Ploeger, Alissa Schell and Rachel Rost, and one Salutatorian, Lena Kennel, who delivered humorous and personal speeches to the audience. The remaining Top Ten of the Class of 2020, Shelby Moore, Halle Burdick, Mattie Mastel, Macee Hadley and Javan Kesinger, were recognized for their dedication and commitment to their education. There were numerous scholarships awarded to the graduates that will provide them opportunities to fulfill their goals. There were also the omnipresent eastern Montana winds that sent mortarboards flying, tassels tangling in hair and even taking temporary control of the microphone.

The graduating class of 2020 certainly had a unique graduation ceremony. Was it what they had planned on? Was it what they had counted on? Was it what they had always taken for granted? You know the answer to that - no. But it WAS a ceremony that they will never forget. The senior class bought banners featuring individual photos of the seniors to hang on Main Street; the After-Prom Party bought personalized car magnets for every senior; the local police department and fire department led the Senior Graduation Parade throughout the town to the cheers and delight of all. It certainly wasnt what anyone could have planned or envisioned on March 13, but there WAS a graduation.

Once again, the Class of 2020 had a front row seat to history in the making.

Go here to read the rest:
Graduation in the Times of COVID-19 | Schools Paid - Fallon County Extra

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Cold Chain Tracking and Monitoring Market Top Manufacturers, Consumption, Sales, Revenue & Trend For Next 5 Years - Cole of Duty

Life's been tough lately. A lot of us are stuck at home, watching our hair get long and missing our friends, and even our families. Sure, our neighbors are cool, but it's the same faces every day.

We've tried the group online calls and that helps.

We never thought we'd get so excited about going to the grocery store.

Some of us need some encouraging words right now, a little more than, "We're all in this together."

So we thought, you know who is always good for words of hope and promise? Commencement speakers.

Hear us out, we know most speeches on graduation day follow a pattern. Famous person says, "I can't believe they have me up here." Famous person drops some humor about a campus icon they learned about since they flew in. Famous person talks about their life for 15 minutes.

But then there's that nugget, those wise and learned words of how that future will unfold and how we should go after it.

Here is some good advice we found from some famous folks. It might be for 22-year-olds about to make a huge life change, but we think it's good to think about these things as we navigate this pandemic.

"Nobody is going to take you to the front of the line unless you push your way to the front of the line. ... One of the biggest lessons that I've learned in life is that you cannot achieve success without failure.

"Either I was going to sit in that failure and give up or I was going to make a decision to step out of the darkness. You see when you in that darkness you want to sit there and wait for the light to come. When you in that darkness it feels uncomfortable, but you can't wait and sit in that darkness. The only way out is to step forward, to face your fears, to become your own light."

"So I hope you find the courage to decide for yourself what is right and what is wrong. And then, please, expect as much of the world around you. Try to make the world good according to your standards. It won't be easy.

"Get ready for my generation to tell you everything that can't be done -- like ending racial tension, or getting money out of politics, or lowering the world's carbon emissions. And we should know they can't be done. After all, we're the ones who didn't do them."

"(Philosopher Friedrich) Nietzsche famously said, 'Whatever doesn't kill you makes you stronger.' But what he failed to stress is that IT ALMOST KILLS YOU. Disappointment stings and, for driven, successful people like yourselves it is disorienting. What Nietzsche should have said is: Whatever doesn't kill you, makes you watch a lot of Cartoon Network and drink mid-price Chardonnay at 11 in the morning. ...

"In 2000, I told graduates to not be afraid to fail, and I still believe that. But today I tell you that whether you fear it or not, disappointment will come. The beauty is that through disappointment you can gain clarity, and with clarity comes conviction and true originality."

"As each of you looks toward your future, always focus on finding that which you do well and that which you love doing. Do something that gives you satisfaction every day and makes our society a better place. Do something that helps your fellow citizens. Make sure you give a good measure of your time and your talent and your treasure in service to others. The need to serve others has never been greater in our nation. ...

"Whatever you think of the world right now, good, bad, better than it used to be, worse than it used to be, whatever you think of it, it is going to be yours to shape. It's gonna be yours to help bring the positive future, better future for all of our citizens of the world, and America has a vital role to play."

"Now, why are you here? I'll tell you why you're here. You've been put here because the universe exists. There's no use the universe existing, if there isn't someone there to see it. Your job is to see it. Your job is to witness. To witness, to understand, to comprehend, and to celebrate! To celebrate with your lives. At the end of your life, if you don't come to that end and look back and realize that you did not celebrate, then you wasted it."

"Your time is limited, so don't waste it living someone else's life. Don't be trapped by dogma -- which is living with the results of other people's thinking. Don't let the noise of others' opinions drown out your own inner voice. And most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition. They somehow already know what you truly want to become. Everything else is secondary."

"Fear is going to be a player in your life, but you get to decide how much. You can spend your whole life imagining ghosts, worrying about the pathway to the future, but all there will ever be is what's happening here, and the decisions we make in this moment, which are based in either love or fear.

"So many of us choose our path out of fear disguised as practicality. What we really want seems impossibly out of reach and ridiculous to expect, so we never dare to ask the universe for it. I'm saying, I'm the proof that you can ask the universe for it -- please! ...

"And when I say, 'life doesn't happen to you, it happens for you.' I really don't know if that's true. I'm just making a conscious choice to perceive challenges as something beneficial so that I can deal with them in the most productive way. You'll come up with your own style, that's part of the fun."

"Abide in the space of gratitude, because this is what I know for sure, that only through being grateful for how far you've come in your past can you leave room for more blessings to flow. Blessings flow in the space of gratitude.

Everything in your life is happening to teach you more about yourself, so even in a crisis, be grateful. When disappointed, be grateful. When things aren't going the way you want them to, be grateful that you have sense enough to turn it around."

"America (is) the greatest democratic country so you should look (to the) whole world. ...

"So you see, you think on a global level now in order to create a sense of global responsibility. ... It is extremely important to develop a concept of oneness of humanity. Seven billion human beings, we are part of that. If the seven billion human beings are happy and also the nations' involvement positive then everybody gets a benefit."

"We cannot always bend the world into the shapes we want but we can try, we can make a concerted and real and true effort. ... Always just try. Because you never know.

"And so as you graduate, as you deal with your excitement and your doubts today, I urge you to try and create the world you want to live in.

"Minister to the world in a way that can change it. Minister radically in a real, active, practical, get-your-hands-dirty way."

"Preparation is the key to victory in any game that you play. The prepared people win a lot more than the unprepared people. You can never spend too much time on preparation. The will to prepare to win is far more important than the will to win. ...

"And I think the ability to adjust, the ability to be able to see something and adjust to it, to change your approach because there's a better approach is going to be very important to each of you."

"I want you to remember that your sense of humor is your life preserver in what could definitely be a veil of tears.

"Relish it. Cultivate it. It will keep you sane in the midst of the madness you will encounter nearly, and I promise you, nearly every day of your life. It is vital to your existence. It's so important that people pay morons like me to make them laugh.

"I want you to remember that you are now entering a world that's filled to the brim with idiots. ... Since there are so many idiots out there you actually may start to think you're crazy. You are not. They are idiots."

Original post:
These commencement speakers have wise words for these times - erienewsnow.com

You probably know the story of the 917/30. You probably saw it run in all its Can-Am Cup-quashing glory back in 1973, with its engineer Mark Donohue at the wheel. You may think motorsports had never been so good nor produced a car so dominant. And youd be right.

A Porsche historical document described the advent of the 1973 engine:

Back then, the 917s dominance was so stifling that motorsport authorities decided to intervene. Porsche had won the manufacturers title at the World Sportscar Championship in 1970 and 1971. The 917 had racked up 15 endurance victories, including the brands first two overall victories at the 24 Hours of Le Mans, before its 5.0-liter, 12-cylinder engine was no longer permitted to compete in 1972.

It couldnt compete in Europe, but here in North America there was this thing called the Can-Am.

Canepa

Porsche found a new field of activity. North America had long since become the brands largest individual market, and the Canadian-American Challenge Cup, or Can-Am for short, became an attractive racing series. In order to be able to compete against the dominant McLarens and their 800-hp V8 engines from Chevrolet, the V12 (normal-)aspiration engine of the 917 was not enough. Performance improvement by turbocharging was still largely uncharted territoryone that Porsche explored.

Among the explorers was American Mark Donohue, a successful race-car driver and engineer. Thirty-four years old at the time, he was appointed developmental and factory driver. In 1972 the approximately 1,000-hp 917/10 TC Spyder (TC stands for turbocharged; Spyder refers to the now-open cockpit) won six Can-Am races and the title. As competitors got their vehicles ready for the 1973 motorsport season, Porsche presented its answer: the 917/30.

And we all know what happened after that, a dominant season so thorough, that it eventually killed the whole series. By 1975 Porsche used the car, with Donohue at the wheel, to set a closed-course speed record at Talladega that would stand for 11 years.

A 917/30 sold for $4.4 million in 2012

After that, Roger Penske owned the car for a while, sold it to LA collector Otis Chandler, who sold it to French collector Jackie Setton. Motorsports restoration mega-specialist Bruce Canepa found the car and sold it to its current owner, Rob Kauffman, who had Canepa restore the whole thing, including rebuilding both the 5.4-liter engine you see here and a spare 5.0 flat 12, both things of beauty to certain eyes.

But unless you worked on the team back in the day, chances are youve never seen a 917/30 engine out of the car. Well, feast yer eyeballs upon its magnificence presented here.

Canepas shop in Scotts Valley, California, just finished rebuilding the 5.4-liter flat-12 turbo engine from Donohues car, with help from original engineers Valentin Schaeffer and Gustav Nietzsche.

To have Gustav teaching us and Valentin teaching, it's been unbelievable. You know, retired factory guys helping out. And then Ed Pink Senior, all three of them helping, said Canepa.

Canepa

Before stuffing it back into the blue and gold Sunoco chassis, the Canepa people took some photos of it, which is what you see here. Look at it and ponder the engineering that went into it, back in the days before CAD, CFD, CAE and a bunch of other C acronyms. Back when all the German engineers and Donahue had were their enormous brains, some pencils and a slide rule. Canepa is still in awe of it all.

What's amazing is when you go back, now you're talking about the early 70s, when you look at the brainpower of those guys between (Hans) Mezger and Valentin Schaeffer and the guys building the engine, when you look at the brainpower, they didn't have computers telling them, there wasn't a program on how to build an engine. I mean, this is all in their heads. And to build that big an engineand it's a big engine, its size, it's a big thingto build that thing and have it run 8,000 rpm, which is a lot for a big engine, and make that kind of power boosted and reliable. I mean, that engine would run for 25, 30 hours without them touching it. Those guys were geniuses, period.

So it must have been kind of cool to be able to take one all apart and put it back together again. Canepa figures theyve done seven or eight rebuilds on 917 engines in the last three years, both the normally aspirated flat-12s that won the World Sportscar Championship and Le Mans in 1970 and 71, and the later turbo powerplants like this one.

Those engines were incredible. And when you see them all apart and you look at the pieces, and you just study the design of it, even if you don't even know what you're looking at, you're just impressed. Just in all the detail and all the things they were paying attention to.

If you ever get a chance to go to the Rennsport Reunion or anywhere one of these great race cars are shown, try and lean over to get a peek into the engine bay. You wont be disappointed.

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Gaze in Wonder at This Porsche 917/30 Flat-12 Fresh out of Canepas Shop - Autoweek

There is something inside all of us that yearns not for reason, but for mystery not for penetrating clear thought, but for the whisperings of the irrational.-Karl Jaspers, Reason and Anti-Reason in Our Time (1952)

In the closing days of the Third Reich, when still-surviving Germans finally realized that they had been following a murderous charlatan,[1] it was way too late for any redemptive turnaround. But why had they been so wittingly deceived in the first place? After all, prima facie, the Fuehrers starkly limited education and wholesale incapacity to reason had been evident from the start. Had the German people somehow been influenced by a subconscious preference for whisperings of the irrational, that is, for the always-pleasing simplifications of mystery over any penetrating clear thought? And if so, were these nefarious influences more than narrowly or peculiarly German defects? Were they determinably generic for all peoples and thus effectively timeless?

Today there arise various other good reasons for analytic perplexity. These questions become even more bewildering when one considers that many true believers of the Fuehrer were conspicuously well-educated and also well acquainted with established textbook requirements of logic and modern science. In the end, of course, there are many additional, varied and predictable answers to factor in including cowardice, fear and presumed self-interest but most broadly coherent explanations must still correctly center on a populist loathing of complex explanations and a national surrender to mass.

Sometimes this source of surrender (mass is the term of preference embraced by Swiss psychologist Carl G. Jung[2]) has been called herd (Friedrich Nietzsche); horde (Sigmund Freud) or crowd (Soren Kierkegaard), but all of these terms have essentially the same referents and reveal virtually identical significations. Above all, the discernible common meaning is that an easy to accept groupthink makes annoyingly difficult individual thinking unnecessary, and thereby renders feelings of individual responsibility moot or beside the point.

Now we may detect all this once again in Donald Trumps increasingly deformed and weakened United States. In this determinedly unreasoning presidents vision of resurrected American greatness, more conscious citizen thought is presumed to be not just extraneous, but also harmful. I love the poorly educated were the exact words Trump used during the 2016 campaign. Not to be ignored, these words were a near-exact replication of Joseph Goebbels favored National Socialist sentiment, one most famously expressed at the 1934 Nuremberg rally (Intellect rots the brain.). Though admittedly painful to accept, Mr. Trumps current know nothing vision endangers present-day Americans just as plainly and existentially as earlier Nazi deformations had corrupted Europe.[3]

While Germany ended with an incomparably grotesque Gotterdammerung in the spring of 1945 an apocalyptic consummation driving both Hitler and Goebbels (with Goebbels entire family) to commit ritual suicide in the Fuhrenbunker Americans now face a twilight of the Gods of their own making: at least hundreds of thousands of Covid-19 fatalities.

In fairness, US President Trump did not cause this plague of virulent disease pandemic. Nonetheless, his endlessly injurious manipulations of mass have repeatedly undermined myriad and indispensable contributions of science. To wit, in the year 2020, tangible portions of the civilized United States began to accept medical advice from Donald Trump that fully contradicted well-established medical orthodoxy, including promoting alleged medications that have subsequently proved useless at best or pernicious at worst. At the same time, authoritative, well-respected and capable professional scientists have been fired to make way for the next viscerally compliant batch of Trump sycophants and presidential lap dogs.

If these unprecedented affirmations of anti-Reason were not sufficiently endangering, they have been reinforced by a shameless battery of propagandistic deflections. As just one egregious example, in the middle of May 2020, Trump held a news conference to announce his successful launch of Americas Space Force and to laud its super-duper missile. One neednt be a deep thinker to recognize the utter irrelevance of any such crude military initiative to US security, or the obvious public relations intent of announcing such a program at this perilous time; that is, as a convenient distractionfrom a rapidly expanding disease plague, one taking cynical advantage of ordinary Americans usual and well intentioned patriotism.

Let us be even more precise. The United States is not becoming Nazi Germany. Thats not the problem. But this assessment ought not to become a simple all or nothing comparison. Then, as now, an irreversible social and economic decline arrived more-or-less indecipherably, effectively in generally hard-to-fathom increments. While there are abundantly vital differences between then and now, between the Third Reich and Trumps America, there are also several very disturbing forms of close resemblance. If we should wittingly choose to ignore these forms, we would also risk ending up in irremediably perilous national circumstances.

Or to continue with a useful metaphor, we would risk heading for our own separate and collective versions of the Fherbunker.

For America in a time of plague, a single core question must consistently remain uppermost, lest we forget how we even got here, to a point where an American president could say without embarrassment and without much public reaction: During the Revolutionary War in the United States, American military forces took control of all national airports, or to deal with the Corona virus, we should consider an internal body cleansing, perhaps even widespread ingestion of certain household disinfecting chemicals. How shall this massively ominous American presidency best be explained? Inter alia, we will need some purposeful answers here before we can be rescued. In part, at least, we can learn from the pre-Nazi German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche. This means that some correct answers should be sought in the paradoxical juxtaposition of American privilege with American philistinism.

For such a seemingly self-contradictory fusion, Nietzsche coined an aptly specific term, one that he hoped would eventually become universal.

This creatively elucidating German word was Bildungsphilister. When expressed in its most lucid and coherent English translation, it means educated Philistine.[4] To a significant and verifiable extent, this term underscores both the rise of German Nazism in the 1930s and the rise of populist support for then candidate Donald J. Trump in 2016.[5]

Naturally, there is much more. In all linguistically delicate maters, carefully-crafted language and penetrating clear thought are required. Accordingly, Bildungsphilister is a word that could shine some additional needed light upon Donald Trumps uninterrupted support among so many of Americas presumptively well-educated and visibly well-to-do.

During the 2016 presidential campaign, Trump had several-times commented: I love the poorly-educated, but in the end a substantial fraction of his actual voter support arrived from the not-so-poorly-educated. It had been very much the same story back in Germany in 1933. We can ignore this portentous commonality only at our own existential risk.

Always, anti-Reason is an existential threat, but never more menacing than during an active disease pandemic. And always, however we may find it discomfiting, truth is exculpatory. Incontestably, even by definition, uncomfortable truths are upsetting and bewildering, but they remain truths nonetheless. Apropos of this plainly unassailable conclusion, any ascertainable distance between I love the poorly educated and Intellect rots the brain is not nearly as substantial as might first appear.

In essence, and plausibly also in consequence, they mean exactly the same thing.

There remain markedly meaningful distinctions between German National Socialism and the current US presidential administration, most significantly in leadership intent, but these distinctions generally express more of a difference in magnitude than in pertinent demographic aspects. At one obvious level, a great many American citizens (tens of millions) remain wholly willing to abide a president who not only avoids reading anything, but who announces his indifference to learning with fully limitless pride. For a president who consistently claims that corona virus testing and contact tracing are overrated, and who simultaneously announces mindless and incoherent threats of starting a new Cold War with China, I love the poorly educated should become an easily recognizable mantra.

We may recall too that for negotiating successfully with North Korea,[6] President Trump had openly advised attitude, not preparation.[7]At any normal or Reason-based level of policy assessment, this advice was openly caricatural. But Trumps once-unimaginable comment was not actually intended as satire. Not at all.

The dissembling policy problem with President Donald Trump is not just a matter of bad manners, occasional foolishness or gratuitous incivility. More than anything else, it is the quality of a far-reaching derangement and incapacity, a particularly lethal fusion that recently led Donald Trump to punish the World Health Organization for imaginary wrongdoings, and at the very same moment that such perverse withholding of funds could only further impair critical worldwide Covid19 responses.[8] Now, substantially more penetrating clear thought is desperately needed to understand this countrys manifold Trump-era declensions,[9] including its seemingly endless violations of authoritative international law.[10]

Do many (or any) Americans actively object to a president who has never even glanced at the US Constitution, the very same allegedly revered document he so solemnly swore to uphold, protect and defend? Is it reasonable or persuasive to uphold protect and defend a document that has never even been read? Is it reasonable or persuasive for We the people. not to be troubled by such a vast intellectual and ethical disjuncture? How long shall we endure profoundly lawless presidential behaviors concerning almost every manner of public responsibility and public service?

While Michael Flynn and Paul Manafort are rewarded by this president for placing loyalty to Fehrerabove justice, tens of millions of poor Americans now being forced to work without proper disease protections can only make desperate personal plans to sleep in the dust.[11]

There is more. Key questions about pertinent historical analogies should not be skirted, obfuscated or ridiculed any longer. How, then, has the United States managed to arrive at such a portentous and dismal place in history? What have been the relevant failures (both particular and aggregated) of American education, most notably failures in our once-vaunted universities? Its an unsettling but sensible two-part question, especially as the Trump presidency assiduously transforms a merely self-deceiving country into one that represents a finely-lacquered collective corpse.

Once upon a time in western philosophy (a genre obviously unfamiliar to absolutely anyone in the White House[12]), Plato revealed high leadership expectations for his philosopher-king. Yet, even though we should no longer reasonably expect anything like a philosopher-king in the White House, we are still entitled to a man or woman president who reads and thinks seriously.

Even in Trumps grievously demeaned United States, true learning deserves its historic pride of place. Nietzsches Zarathustra warns prophetically: One should never seek the `higher man at the marketplace. But the suffocating worlds of business and commerce were precisely where a proudly know nothing segment of American society first championed belligerent impresario Donald J. Trump.

What else could we have possibly expected?

In the United States, a society where almost no one takes erudition seriously, we are all ultimately measured by one singularly atrocious standard. We are what we buy.[13] Accordingly, the tens of millions of Americans being shunted aside by the White House as presumptively extraneous to their political success are less highly valued (much less) than those who have managed to attain egoistically the conspicuous rewards of everyone for himself.[14]

There is still more, much more. This American president is not merely a marginal or misguided figure. Quite literally, he is the diametric opposite of both Platos philosopher-king and Nietzsches higher-man. Unambiguously, and at its moral and analytic core, the Trump administration now exhibits a tortuously wretched inversion of what might once have been ennobling in the United States. Even more worrisome, we Americans are rapidly stumbling backwards, always backwards, during an unprecedented viral pandemic, further and further, visibly, unsteadily, not in any measurably decipherable increments, but in giant or distressing quantum leaps of various self-reinforcing mortal harms.

In essence, these are historically familiar leaps of unforgivable cowardice, especially as evident in certain narrowly-partisan sectors of the Congress and federal government. How else shall we differentiate a now completely submissive attorney general or vice president or secretary of the treasury or secretary of human services or Senate Majority Leader from their manifestly hideous forbears in Munich or Berlin? Are they really all that different? Are they really any more upset by the prospective but possibly preventable deaths of several hundred thousand Americans from Pandemic disease than were Nazi officials Goebbels or Speer about then-suffering German families and workers?

A positive answer here would demand considerable leaps of permissible formal logic.

Among so many palpable deficits, Americas current president still does not begin to understand that US history warrants some serious re-examination. How many Americans have ever paused to remember that the Founding Fathers who framed the second amendment were not expecting or imagining automatic weapons? How many citizens ever bothered to learn that the early American Republic was the religious heir of John Calvin and the philosophical descendant of both John Locke and Thomas Hobbes? How many successful US lawyers have even ever heard of William Blackstone, the extraordinary English jurist whose learned Commentaries formed the indispensable common law underpinnings of Americas current legal system?

Literally and comprehensively, Blackstone is the unchallenged foundation of American law and jurisprudence.[15]

Does anyone reasonably believe that Donald Trump has even ever heard of Blackstone? Is there a single Trump lawyer (personal or institutional) who could conceivably know (let alone read) about the seminal Blackstones unparalleled juristic contributions? If there were such a person, he would understand, ipso facto, what is so utterly defiled (and defiling) in this presidents Department of Justice.

It is therefore, a silly question.

There is more. Human beings are the creators of their machines, not the other way round. Still, there exists today an implicit and grotesque reciprocity between creator and creation, an elaborate and potentially lethal pantomime between the users and the used. Nowhere is this prospective lethality more apparent than among the self-deluded but endlessly loyal supporters of US President Donald Trump. They follow him faithfully only because the wider American society had first been allowed to become an intellectual desert, and because they are most comfortable amid such reassuringly barren wastes.

Soon, we must inquire, will they also, like Third Reich Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels and his entire family, follow him dutifully and unquestionably into the Fherbunker?

Epilogue

In an 1897 essay titled On Being Human, Woodrow Wilson inquired tellingly about the authenticity of Americans. Is it even open to us to choose to be genuine? he asked. This US and (earlier) Princeton University president had answered yes, but contingently, only if citizens would first refuse to cheer the herds or hordes or crowds of mass society. Otherwise, as Wilson had already understood, our entire society would be left bloodless, a skeleton, dead with that rusty death of broken machinery, more hideous even than the biological decomposition of individual disease-ravaged persons.

In every society, as Emerson and other American Transcendentalists had already recognized, the scrupulous care of each individualhuman soul is most important. Looking ahead, there can likely still be a betterAmerican soul[16] (and thereby an improved American politics), but not before we can first acknowledge a prior obligation. This antecedent and unalterable requirement is a far-reaching national responsibility to overcome the barriers of a know nothing culture or remembering German philosopher Karl Jaspers apt warning whisperings of the irrational.

Though overwhelmingly lethal all by itself, the current Trump government of anti-Reason is as much a dreadful symptom of much deeper menacing harms. Similar to any other complex matrix of virulent pathologies, the proper ordering of therapeutics will ultimately require this government to accomplish more than just a cosmetic excision of visible disease symptoms. In the end, to protect us all from a future that would be finalized in the Fherbunker, Americans must finally learn to favor Reason and Science over stock phrases, shallow clichs, banal presidential phrases and barbarously empty witticisms.

[1] In this connection, notes Sigmund Freud: Fools, visionaries, sufferers from delusions, neurotics and lunatics have played great roles art all times in the history of mankind, and not merely when the accident of birth had bequeathed them sovereignty. Usually, they have wreaked havoc.

[2] Says Jung in The Undiscovered Self (1957): The mass crushes out the insight and reflection that are still possible with the individual, and this necessarily leads to doctrinaire and authoritarian tyranny if ever the constitutional State should succumb to a fit of weakness.

[3] Consider, for example, the stunning Goebbels-Trump commonality concerning approval of street violence. Said the Nazi Propaganda Minister: Whoever can conquer the street will one day conquer the state, for every form of power politics and any dictatorship-run state has its roots in the street. Much more recently, and in an almost identical vein, Donald Trump declared: I have the support of the police, the support of the military, the support of the Bikers for Trump. I have the tough people, but they dont play it tough until they go to a certain point and then it would be very bad, very bad. See, by this writer: https://www.jurist.org/commentary/2020/04/louis-beres-trump-violence/#

[4] The first language of the Swiss-born author, Professor Louis Ren Beres, was German. This is his own straightforward translation.

[5] Also appropriate here is the nineteenth century description offered by Danish philosopher Soren Kierkegaard in The Sickness Unto Death: Devoid of imagination, as the Philistine always is, he lives in a certain trivial province of experience, as to how things go, what is possible, what usually occurs.Philistinism thinks it is in control of possibility.it carries possibility around like a prisoner in the cage of the probable, and shows it off.

[6] I dont think I have to prepare very much, said Donald Trump before his Singapore Summit with Kim Jung Un on June 11, 2018, Its all about attitude.

[7] The mass-man, says philosopher Jose Ortega yGassett in The Revolt of the Masses (1930), has no attention to spare for reasoning; he learns only in his own flesh. This is exactly how President Trump learns. When asked on April 10, 2020 how he would create metrics for determining when the country could be safely opened up again, he pointed to his head, and exclaimed: This is my only metric. Always, this crudely primal method of understanding represents in his own flesh reasoning, his disjointed calculations spawned by raw instinct and revealed with demeaning frivolity.

[8] In stark contrast, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the Director General of WHO, spoke modestly, intelligently and purposefully: COVID-19 does not discriminate between rich nations and poor, large nations and small. It does not discriminate between nationalities, ethnicities, or ideologies. Neither do we, he said. This is a time for all of us to be united in our common struggle against a common threat, a dangerous enemy. When were divided, the virus exploits the cracks between us.

[9] Regarding US President Donald Trumps persistent and often egregious crimes involving the law of war and the law of human rights (e.g., Syria; Afghanistan; Iraq; Mexican refugees, etc.), criminal responsibility of leaders under international law is not necessarily limited to direct personal action nor is it exculpable by official position. On this peremptory principle of command responsibility, or respondeat superior, see: In re Yamashita, 327 U.S. 1 (1945); The High Command Case (The Trial of Wilhelm von Leeb), 12 Law Reports of Trials Of War Criminals 1 (United Nations War Crimes Commission Comp., 1949); see Parks, Command Responsibility For War Crimes, 62 MIL.L. REV. 1 (1973); OBrien, The Law Of War, Command Responsibility And Vietnam, 60 GEO. L.J. 605 (1972); U.S. Dept. Of The Army, Army Subject Schedule No. 27 1 (Geneva Conventions of 1949 and Hague Convention No. IV of 1907), 10 (1970). The direct individual responsibility of leaders is also unambiguous in view of the London Agreement, which denies defendants the protection of the act of state defense. See AGREEMENT FOR THE PROSECUTION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE MAJOR WAR CRIMINALS OF THE EUROPEAN AXIS, Aug. 8, 1945, 59 Stat. 1544, E.A.S. No. 472, 82 U.N.T.S. 279, art. 7.

[10] Though wholly disregarded by President Trump, international law is an inherent part of United States law and jurisprudence. In the words of Mr. Justice Gray, delivering the judgment of the US Supreme Court in Paquete Habana (1900): International law is part of our law, and must be ascertained and administered by the courts of justice of appropriate jurisdiction. (175 U.S. 677(1900)) See also: Opinion in Tel-Oren vs. Libyan Arab Republic (726 F. 2d 774 (1984)).Moreover, the specific incorporation of treaty law into US municipal law is expressly codified at Art. 6 of the US Constitution, the so-called Supremacy Clause.

[11] One should also think here of the countrys indigenous peoples, especially tribes such as the Navajo Nation. These vulnerable peoples are suffering disproportionate harms from this pandemic, harms that are effectively considered tolerable or even reasonable by US President Donald Trump.

[12] In this connection, Americans should also be reminded of the total absence of any cultural life or life of the arts going on in the Trump White House. Together with Trumps endless attacks on a life of the mind, this demeaning absence points toward the very worst imaginable case of Nietzsches Bildungsphilister or educated Philistine. See, by this author, at Yale Global: https://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/trumps-america-anti-intellectual-and-proud-it

[13] The rich man glories in his riches, says Adam Smith in his Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759), because he feels that they naturally draw upon him the attention of the world.At the thought of this, his heart seems to swell and dilate itself within him, and he is fonder of his wealth, upon this account, than for all the other advantages it procures him.

[14] The egocentric ideal of a future reserved for those who have managed to attain egoistically the extremity of `everyone for himself,' says Pierre Teilhard de Chardin in The Phenomenon of Man (1955), is false and against nature.

[15] Significantly, in this connection, Blackstone emphasized the importance of global cooperation between nations: Each state is expected to aid and enforce the law of nations as part of the common law, says Blackstone in his Commentaries on the Law of England (1765) by inflicting an adequate punishment upon the offenses against that universal law. Similarly, says Emmerich de Vattel, in his prior and classic The Law of Nations (1758), The first general law, which is to be found in the very end of the society of Nations, is that each Nation should contribute as far as it can to the happiness and advancement of other Nations.

[16] Sigmund Freud maintained a general antipathy to all things American. In essence, he most strenuously objected, according to Bruno Bettelheim, to this countrys shallow optimism and to its corollary commitment to a dreadfully crude form of materialism. America, thought Freud, was very lacking in soul. See: Bruno Bettelheim, Freud and Mans Soul (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1983), especially Chapter X.

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Coronavirus: The Collapse of Higher Education -Or its Revolution? - Modern Diplomacy

But years before Burke and Pates latest success, the two were students at UNC, studying English and enjoying indie music.

Memories at UNC

Burke, who graduated in 1988, said he remembers his favorite study spot as the lounge of the eighth floor of Davis Library overlooking the Pit.

I swear I must have spent I almost spent more time there than anywhere else, Burke said.

On Franklin Street, Pate, class of 1992, said he frequented Pepper's Pizza and Cats Cradle before it moved to its current location in Carrboro in 1993.

There was such an unbelievable indie rock scene when we were there, like it was exploding, Pate said. It was often called the next Seattle.

Burke and Pate credited their English and creative writing professors for their support and mentorship.

I wouldnt be a writer if it werent for going to Carolina, Burke said.

They were so supportive and cool, and really madeyou believe that you could do it, Pate said.

Pate and Burke both majored in English. Despite receiving an unsatisfying grade on a paper about Nietzsche, Pate said professor Reid Barbour in the English and Comparative Literature department played an important role in his academic career.

Although he has not seen the show, Barbour said he appreciates how the show posits archival work as a part of the adventure.

To dedicate yourself to an English major when Josh was an English major was also to dedicate yourself to history, and to digging up history, Barbour said.

Creating Outer Banks

Pate said a photo of a power outage in the Outer Banks inspired the initial conversation between Burke and himself.

There was a photograph of all these darkened mansions at dusk, Pate said. It was such an evocative photograph I had grown up on the Carolina coast, and it kind of just spurred a little creative instinct.

Much of the inspiration for the setting stemmed from spending time in Wilmington, North Carolina, Pate said.

Even though the show is called the Outer Banks, and even though the show is not completely realistic, a lot of the way I would imagine scenes had to do with the area around Wrightsville Beach, Pate said.

While Burke and Pate were planning on filming in Wilmington, North Carolina, the show was filmed in Charleston, South Carolina, because of a standing policy at Netflix in opposition to the 2016 House Bill 2 and its replacement House Bill 142.

On set, Burke and Pate agreed it felt like a constant, chaotic party.

As soon as the cameras stopped rolling, people were throwing Frisbees and footballs and joking; it was sort of an ongoing happy vibe that you could see on screen, Burke said. That feeling between the actors, who all become friends and good friends, it sort of continued onto the set.

Connections to Chapel Hill

While the show focuses on life by the coast, Pate and Burke included nods to their alma mater throughout the show.

In one episode, a character is seen wearing a UNC hat. In episode four, the characters take a trip from the Outer Banks to Chapel Hill to visit the state archives, housed today in Wilson Library.

And yes, Pate and Burke know you cannot take a ferry from the Outer Banks to Chapel Hill.

Burke said the characters take the ferry to get from the island to the mainland, then an Uber from the mainland to Chapel Hill. The shot of them getting into the car was cut out, but when the characters arrive, they can be seen getting out of a car.

So its actually on-screen, and then we were still misunderstood, Burke said.

Other criticisms from geography trolls have pointed out how the show doesnt actually resemble the Outer Banks, Pate said.

Theyre like, It doesnt look like the Outer Banks, or, You cant take a ferry to Chapel Hill, Pate said. Im like, Its fiction, bro.

And believe it or not, a love for UNC basketball and a passion for the Tobacco Road rivalry made it into the narrative. Burke later said in an email that the show does acknowledge Duke subtly.

When we were naming our villain, we were having trouble with the last name, and we just decided to name him after the most hated place in (the) universe, Burke wrote. His name, if you remember, is Ward Cameron.

Rise to success

While creating the show, the team felt confident throughout the process. But Pate and Burke said they did not anticipate just how successful the show would be.

The story was dynamic and the kids were doing a great job, Burke said. Everybody seemed to be pulling in the right direction. You can tell when something is going wrong it felt like it was going right.

Pate described the shows success after its original release date as a gradual process.

It kept going higher on Netflix, and weird things started happening, Pate said. The cast started to text with Drake and stuff everything that just got weirder and weirder and weirder.

Weeks after its release, Burke thought, "Holy shit. This is a hit.

Although Netflix has not confirmed a second season, Burke and Pate are already working on the script for season two. They said they feel confident about the shows return.

And looking ahead to the UNC mens basketball, Pate said he hopes that next season will be better than the last.

@madelinellis

@DTHCityState | city@dailytarheel.com

The rest is here:
'Outer Banks' co-creators talk Netflix, the UNC-Duke rivalry and the ferry to Chapel Hill - The Daily Tar Heel

Spanish flu offers good lesson on bowing to politics while re-opening during pandemic

So let it be written

A little more than a century ago, the Spanish Flu pandemic of 1918-19 killed more than 50 million people.

So what did we learn?

They say history tends to repeat itself, witnessed by the playing out of a 100-year cycle that saw a bubonic plague in Europe in 1720, cholera smite Asia in 1820, the Spanish Flu, and of course our present-day pandemic.

George Bernard Shaw instructs us that We learn from history that we learn nothing from history.

Personally, I prefer Stephen Hawkings take on it: We spend a great deal of time studying history, which, lets face it, is mostly the history of stupidity.

T.W. Paterson column: 102 years ago the Spanish Flu met British grit

Read also: Is COVID-19 a sign of things to come?

Theres been evidence aplenty, during this our go-around, of foolhardy behaviour on our beaches, in grocery store aisles, along sidewalks, in parks, you name it. Masses of people recklessly thumbing their noses at social distancing and invading other peoples space.

Too many people simply lack the patience to stay put. Theyre bored with the pandemic, are moving on, and as a result of their negligence more people will be doomed to suffer from COVID-19, and more will die.

So what happened in 1918?

People were human, thats what.

In San Francisco, they thought they had the Spanish Flu licked. Driven, no doubt, by impatience, public pressure and economic necessity, the politicians prematurely re-opened the city for business. They celebrated its return to normality with a grand parade which resulted in the deadly flu returning with a vengeance.

Beware, the second wave.

Today theres immense pressure on governments to ease restrictions, considering they are unable to control the crowd thats already liberated itself from the ravages of common sense.

And when government starts talking about easing up, and returning to some semblance of normal, yet more people see that as a green light to drop their guard. People are waiting for a sign, and champing at the bit.

Theres no denying the fierce economic imperative to re-start the engine. Our catch-22 is staying healthy in the process.

Dr. Stewart Prest, a political science professor at Simon Fraser University, says there seems to be a broad understanding in Canada that opening up too much, too quickly, could really make things worse in the long run.

That some jurisdictions have chosen to open up while the first wave is still cresting, he says, seems terrifying, to be honest.

Im not an epidemiologist, I dont know if you can fully prevent a second wave, Prest says.

There are important lessons from history, and I think its fascinating that some jurisdictions seem to be better able to take those on board than others.

So let it be done.

Tom Zytaruk is a staff writer with the Surrey Now-Leader. You can email him at tom.zytaruk@surrey nowleader.com.

Coronaviruszytaruk column so let it be done

Excerpt from:
ZYTARUK: Beware COVID-19s second wave - vancouverislandfreedaily.com

At dawn last Tuesday morning, the police took a man named Andrs from his home in northeastern Hungary. His alleged crime? Writing a Facebook post that called the countrys prime minister, Viktor Orbn, a dictator.

Andrs has a point. After winning Hungarys 2010 election, the prime minister systematically dismantled the countrys democracy undermining the basic fairness of elections, packing the courts with cronies, and taking control of more than 90 percent of the countrys media outlets. He has openly described his form of government as illiberal democracy, half of which is accurate.

Since the coronavirus, Orbns authoritarian tendencies have only grown more pronounced. His allies in parliament passed a new law giving him the power to rule by decree and creating a new crime, spreading a falsehood, punishable by up to five years in prison. The Hungarian government recently seized public funding that opposing political parties depend on; through an ally, they took financial control of one of the few remaining anti-Orbn media outlets. This month, the pro-democracy group Freedom House officially announced that it no longer considered Hungary a democracy.

Andrs was detained for hours for daring to criticize this authoritarian drift. The 64-year-old was ultimately released, but the polices official statement on the arrest noted that a malicious or ill-considered share on the internet could constitute a crime. Andrs, for one, got the message.

I told [the cops] their task had achieved its result and would probably shut me up, he told the news site 444.

Andrss arrest is an unusually naked display of what Hungary has become a cautionary tale for what a certain kind of right-wing populist will do when given unchecked political power. Yet among a certain segment of American conservatives, Orbn is not viewed as a warning.

Hes viewed as a role model.

Orbns fans in the West include notable writers at major conservative and right-leaning publications like National Review, the American Conservative, and the New York Post. Christopher Caldwell, a journalist widely respected on the right, wrote a lengthy feature praising the strongman as a leader blessed with almost every political gift.

Patrick Deneen, perhaps the most prominent conservative political theorist in America, traveled to Budapest to meet Orbn in his office, describing the Hungarian government as a model for American conservatives. Jordan Peterson, the Canadian psychologist and right-wing cultural icon, also made a pilgrimage to the prime ministers office.

Chris DeMuth, the former head of the American Enterprise Institute, interviewed Orbn onstage at a conference, praising the prime minister in opening remarks as not only a political but an intellectual leader. The event was organized by Yoram Hazony, an Israeli intellectual widely influential on the American right and another vocal Orbn fan.

The Hungarian government has actively cultivated support from such international conservatives. John OSullivan, an Anglo-American contributor to National Review, is currently based at the Danube Institute a think tank in Budapest that OSullivan admits receives funding from the Hungarian government.

Pro-Orbn Westerners tend to come from one of two overlapping camps in modern conservatism: religiously minded social conservatives (Deneen, for example) and conservative nationalists (Caldwell, Demuth).

Religious conservatives find Orbns social policies to be a breath of fresh air. Orbn has given significant state support to Hungarys churches, officially labeling his government a Christian democracy. He provided generous subsidies to families in an effort to get Hungarian women to stay at home and have more babies. He launched a legal assault on progressive social ideals, prohibiting the teaching of gender studies in Hungarian universities and banning transgender people from legally identifying as anything other than their biological sex at birth.

Conservative nationalists focus on the Hungarian approach to immigration and the European Union. During the 2015 migrant crisis, Orbn was the most prominent opponent of German Chancellor Angela Merkels open borders approach; he built a wall on Hungarys southern border with Serbia to keep refugees from entering. He has repeatedly denounced the influence the EU has on its member states, describing one of his governing aims as preserving Hungarys national character in the face of a globalist onslaught led by Brussels and philanthropist George Soros.

For Western conservatives of a religious and/or nationalist bent, Orbn is the leader they wish Donald Trump could be smart, politically savvy, and genuinely devoted to their ideals. Hungary is, for them, the equivalent of what Nordic countries are for the American left: proof of concept that their ideas could make the United States a better place.

Yet while the Nordic countries are among the worlds freest democracies, Hungary has fallen into a form of autocracy. This presents a problem for Hungarys Western apostles, as they do not see themselves as advocates of American authoritarianism. Their encomia to Orbn tend to either overlook his authoritarian tendencies or deny them altogether, claiming that biased Western reporters and NGOs are unfairly demonizing Budapest for its cultural and nationalist beliefs.

Hungarys leadership ... is more democratic than most of the countries that lecture Budapest about democracy, Catholic conservative Sohrab Ahmari writes in the New York Post. Hungarys leaders have had it with Western liberal condescension and tutelage.

In reality, its not the Orbn regime thats being persecuted: Its ordinary Hungarian citizens like Andrs. The Western defenders of Orbn are so preoccupied by the culture wars over gender and immigration that theyre overlooking who, exactly, theyve gotten in bed with.

Rod Dreher, a senior editor at the American Conservative, is one of a handful of influential Western writers courted by the Hungarian government. Hes met with Orbn and even had plans to take up a fellowship in Budapest before the coronavirus scrambled everyones lives.

While Dreher has a number of views that liberals find either kooky or reprehensible, hes a talented writer whos hugely influential on the religious and nationalist right. When I asked Dreher for the strongest possible version of the conservative case for Orbn, he sent me a series of lengthy and reflective notes on the subject.

I want to be clear that I dont want to be understood as approving of everything Orbn does, he told me. My approval of Orbn is general, not specific, in the same way that there are people who dont agree with everything Trump does, but who generally endorse him.

This general endorsement is rooted in a sense that the Hungarian leader challenges the liberal elite in a way few others do. In Drehers analysis, the dominant mode of thinking in the West is secular and liberal a political style that suffocates traditional religious observance and crushes specific national identities in favor of a homogenizing, cosmopolitan ideal.

He [Orbn] knew that in 2015, to allow all the Middle Eastern immigrants to settle in Hungary would have been surrendering a Hungarian future for the Hungarian people...and all the traditions and cultural memories they carry with them, Dreher told me. Broadly speaking, the ideology of globalism presumes that those traditions and those memories are obstacles to creating an ideal world. That they are problems to be solved rather than a heritage to be cherished.

This sense of persecution at the hands of secular globalist elites is at the center of the mindset held by Dreher and much of the modern intellectual right. The contemporary fusion of religious and nationalist ideas has created a unified field theory of global cultural politics, defined by a sense that cosmopolitan liberal forces are threatening the very survival of traditional Christian communities. This line of thinking animates many prominent Trump supporters and allies who are Christian conservatives, including Attorney General Bill Barr.

For people like Dreher, who has written that my politics are driven entirely by fear [of] the woke left, Orbn is Trumps more admirable twin. The American president is, as Dreher once argued, a small, ugly, godless and graceless man though one hed rather have in office than a progressive Democrat. The Hungarian leader, by contrast, is in his view both a true believer and a much more effective head of state.

What I see in Orbn is one of the few major politicians in the West who seems to understand the importance of Christianity, and the importance of culture, and who is willing to defend these things against a very rich and powerful international establishment, he tells me. I find myself saying of Orbn what I hear conservatives say when they explain why they instinctively love Trump: because he fights. The thing about Orbn is that unlike Trump, he fights, and he wins, and his victories are substantive.

What I find fascinating about Drehers take which largely typifies the pro-Orbn arguments among both religious conservatives and conservative nationalists is that the issue of democracy plays a secondary role in the conversation.

Dreher doesnt admire Orbns more authoritarian tendencies; indeed, he admits that the man has made mistakes, including in Andrss case. I have no doubt that Viktor Orban is not the philosopher-king of my Christian conservative dreams, he tells me.

But whatever his concerns about threats to basic democratic principles like freedom of the press and fair elections, they dont play a primary role in his thinking. His evaluation of Orbn centers culture war issues like immigration and religion in public life, an ideologically driven view that obscures the damning democratic deficit in Hungary.

In our exchange, Dreher compared his admiration for Orbn to the way Hungarian conservatives hes met admired Trump. When he told his Hungarian acquaintances that he liked what Trump stood for in theory, but had serious issues with the man himself and the way he governs, they were incredulous: Whats not to like about someone whos so willing to stick it to the globalist liberal elites?

They read Trump through Hungarian ideological categories, not American reality and it showed.

Maybe Im seeing Orbn in the same way my Hungarian interlocutors see Trump. ... If I lived in Hungary, perhaps I would find a lot to dislike in his everyday governance, Dreher told me. But he and other European politicians like him are speaking to needs, desires, and beliefs about religion, tradition, and national identity, that the center-right politicians have ignored.

Yet when it comes to modern Hungary, the authoritarian devil is truly in the everyday details.

Orbns effort to cultivate Western intellectuals funding their work, inviting them to meet with him as honored guests in Budapest, speaking at their glitzy conferences is part of a much more ambitious ideological campaign. He describes himself as the avatar of a new political model spreading across the West, which he terms illiberal democracy or Christian democracy.

Advocates of illiberal democracy, like Trump and European far-right parties, aim to protect and deepen the specificity of each European countrys religious and ethnic makeup Hungary for the Hungarians, France for the French, and Germany for the Germans. Orbn frames this goal in precisely the culture war terms people like Dreher find so appealing.

Liberal democracy is in favor of multiculturalism, while Christian democracy gives priority to Christian culture, he said in a 2018 speech. Liberal democracy is pro-immigration, while Christian democracy is anti-immigration.

This language is at once incendiary and misleading. The rejection of liberalism infuriates mainstream European and Western intellectuals, thus further convincing the right that Orbn is the enemy of their primary enemy. But by framing his struggle as a conflict between two subspecies of democracy between liberal and Christian democracy Orbn obscures the fact that his regime is not any kind of democracy at all.

This insistence on falsely referring to his authoritarian regime as a democracy is vital to both its domestic and international project.

Orbn and much of his inner circle are lawyers by training; they have used this expertise to set up a political system that looks very much like a democracy, with elections and a theoretically free press, but isnt one. This gives intellectually sympathetic Westerners some room for self-delusion. They can examine Hungary, a country whose cultural politics they admire, and see a place that looks on the surface like a functioning democracy.

When such observers travel to Budapest and see what looks like a democracy in action, it becomes easier to dismiss concerns about authoritarian drift from journalists, pro-democracy NGOs, and academic experts as mere cultural prejudice: the liberal elite smearing a right-leaning elected leader as an authoritarian because they dont like his cultural politics. Orbn isnt an authoritarian, in this view, but the avatar of what the silent majority of Americans and Europeans really want.

A staple of these arguments is to make the point that Orbns Fidesz party has won three consecutive elections.

One of the strange things about modern political rhetoric is that Viktor Orbn should so often be described as a threat to democracy, although his power had been won in free elections, Caldwell, the eminent conservative Europe reporter, writes in the Claremont Review of Books.

But after coming to power in 2010, Orbn rewrote Hungarys constitution and electoral rules to make it nigh impossible for the opposition to win power through elections. Tactics including extreme gerrymandering, rewriting campaign finance rules to give Fidesz a major leg up, appointing cronies to the countrys constitutional court and election bureaucracy, and seizing control of nearly all media outlets have combined to render elections functionally non-competitive.

The mechanisms of control here are so subtle (who outside of Hungary cares about staffing choices at its electoral administration?) that its easy for an intellectually sympathetic observer to dismiss them as overblown. In Caldwells Claremont piece, for example, he challenges concerns about press freedom by pointing to Lajos Simicska a media magnate and former Orbn right-hand man who turned on him in 2015 and campaigned against him in the 2018 election.

When Orbns friend Simicska broke with him, he used his newspaper Magyar Nemzet to attack Orbn in the most vulgar terms, comparing him to an ejaculation, Caldwell writes. Orbns powerful mandate, his two-thirds majority, gave him power to amend the countrys constitution at will. This was not the same thing as authoritarianism there arent a lot of reporters in Beijing likening Xi Jinping to an ejaculation.

There arent that many left in Hungary, either. After 2015, Orbn used his unfettered powers to demolish Simicskas business empire, cutting off government contracts not only for his old friends media holdings but also for his construction and advertising firms. Simicskas businesses shrank and his personal fortune declined; the 2018 electioneering was a last-ditch effort to challenge a system that he himself described as a dictatorship.

After Orbns unfairly won 2018 victory, Simicska told allies that it is clear that they [Fidesz] cannot be defeated through democratic elections. He shut down Magyar Nemzet; a government mouthpiece currently publishes under its name. Simicska eventually sold his entire media empire to a Fidesz ally, including the popular television station Hr TV which, after the sale, openly proclaimed it would adopting a pro-government line.

Today, Simicska lives in an isolated village in western Hungary. His only remaining business interest is an agricultural firm owned by his wife.

This is obviously not a story about democratic resilience in Hungary: Its an instructive tale in the precise and subtle ways Orbn uses political patronage and the powers of the state to maintain political control. The Hungarian government is a species of authoritarianism just a less coercive and more elusive version of its Chinese cousin.

Clearly, Hungary is not a democracy. But understanding why requires a nuanced understanding of the line between democracy and autocracy, Lucan Ahmad Way and Steven Levitsky, two leading academic experts on democracy, write in the Washington Post.

This subtlety is what allows his conservative fan club in the West to operate with a clean conscience. Its also what makes it so disturbing.

There are examples throughout history of people on both left and right blinding themselves to the faults of their ideological allies. The great British playwright George Bernard Shaw saw Josef Stalin as a shining example of Shaws own egalitarian values. Friedrich von Hayek, arguably the defining libertarian economist, defended Augusto Pinochets murderous dictatorship in Chile on grounds that the dictator was friendly to the free market.

Orbns crimes, of course, pale in comparison to Stalins or Pinochets. If such great thinkers in history can trick themselves into forgiving much more egregious assaults on human rights and democracy, its understandable that modern conservatives might fall prey to the same tendency to see the best in ideologically simpatico authoritarians.

But the fact that this tendency is understandable doesnt mean its excusable or without its own set of dangers.

In the United States, the Republican Party has shown a disturbing willingness to engage in Fidesz-like tactics to undermine the fairness of the political process. The two parties evolved independently, for their own domestic reasons, but seem to have converged on a similar willingness to undermine the fairness of elections behind the scenes.

Extreme gerrymandering, voter ID laws, purging nonvoters from the voting rolls, seizing power from duly elected Democratic governors, packing courts with partisan judges, creating a media propaganda network that its partisans consume to the exclusion of other sources all Republican approaches that, with some nouns changed, could easily describe Fideszs techniques for hollowing out from democracy from within.

In this respect, Hungary really is a model for America. Its not a blueprint anyone is consciously aping, but proof that a ruthless party with less-than-majority support in the public can take durable control of political institutions while still successfully maintaining a democratic veneer.

Conservative intellectuals bear a special obligation to call attention to this dangerous process. Its always easier for writers and intellectuals to criticize the opposing side precisely because its less effectual: Your targets already dont pay attention to you, and your audience already agrees with your critique. When your team is crossing lines, criticizing it is much more likely to ruffle feathers but also more likely to change minds.

The Hungary situation has been a trial in this regard, a way of assessing conservative intellectuals ability to perform this vital form of self-policing.

I find Orbans attack on trans rights and treatment of migrants reprehensible, but I dont expect those on the broader right to agree with me. I do, however, believe they ought to have a baseline commitment to democratic norms: a sense that disagreement itself is not illegitimate, and that governments that use their powers to crush their opponents can never be fundamentally admirable.

Yet thats not what has happened. Much of the conservative leadership cannot break out of their sense of victimhood; the world is a struggle between righteous conservatives and oppressive secular progressives. It does not compute, to them, that a traditionalist regime might actually be the one mistreating its opponents and attacking democracy; they come up with excuses for whatever Orbn is doing, offering misleading half-truths that at times literally echo government propaganda.

If these thinkers continue to insist that Hungary is just another democracy despite copious evidence to the contrary how can we expect them to call out the same, more embryonic process of authoritarianization happening at home? If American conservatives wont turn on a foreign countrys leadership after it crosses the line, what reason would we have to believe that theyd be capable of doing the same thing when the stakes for them are higher and the enemies more deeply hated?

The admiration for Orbn has convinced me that, no matter how far down the Fidesz path the GOP goes, many conservative intellectuals will use the same culture war uber alles logic to justify its trampling over American democracy.

Hungary is a test for these American thinkers. And they flunked it.

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