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Archive for the ‘Jordan Peterson’ Category

Bob Holliday talks about the fun day when MJ and Buzz Peterson went golfing –

Posted: May 13, 2020 at 10:45 pm

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Former WRAL Sports Director Bob Holliday brings back a memory from the WRAL vault, a moment when Michael Jordan and Buzz Peterson had some fun on the golf course.


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Bob Holliday talks about the fun day when MJ and Buzz Peterson went golfing -

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An autopsy of the Intellectual Dark Web – The Spectator USA

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Exactly two years ago, on May 8, 2018, Bari Weiss published an essay in the New York Times titled Meet the Renegades of the Intellectual Dark Web. Describing a subculture of liberals, conservatives and disaffected leftists who were engaging in conversations about free speech, left-wing censoriousness and un-PC subjects like sex differences and transgenderism, Weiss described three common features of these different people:

First, they are willing to disagree ferociously, but talk civilly, about nearly every meaningful subject Second, in an age in which popular feelings about the way things ought to be often override facts about the way things actually are, each is determined to resist parroting whats politically convenient. And third, some have paid for this commitment by being purged from institutions that have become increasingly hostile to unorthodox thought

The article was smothered in cloying pretension. The name might have been coined jokily by the mathematician Eric Weinstein, but once it was affixed to the subculture it became absurd. Sex differences and transgenderism are controversial subjects, no doubt about it, but the intellectual equivalents of the drugs and guns that are traded on the Dark Web are not profiled in the New York Times. Also, somebody had made the well-meaning decision to photograph the likes of Weinstein, Sam Harris and Dave Rubin in night-time shots that made them look like the supporting cast of a dirt cheap neo-noir independent film.

Soon, the web in the name evoked not the Dark Web but a spiders web. Curious browsers were trapped in long-winded podcasts, paralyzed by anti-leftist platitudes, and gobbled up by classical liberalism. As I noted in my review of Dave Rubins book, there was too much talking about talking about ideas, and too much using free speech to talk exclusively about free speech. There was no systemization or institution-building but a constant stream of monotonal discourse.

But am I being too cynical? Is it not a failing of opinion columnists that we live to drag people down and not to build them up? Perhaps. So, I wanted to look for the good in the IDW and how better than to read a left-wing analysis of the phenomenon!

Michael Brooks begins his study of the Intellectual Dark Web, Against the Web, by defining the IDW as a group of men. Like most political movements and subcultures, it is largely male. Any sensible analysis of the phenomenon, however, would place Heather Heying, Christina Hoff Sommers, Claire Lehmann, Ayaan Hirsi Ali and others in its sphere. Brooks wants it to be a group of men because it suits his ideological framework. Perhaps the Intellectual Dark Web has made people more skeptical about this kind of dull and disingenuous identity politicking, which is good.

Such annoying sleights of hand come thick and fast throughout Against the Web. We learn, when Brooks writes about Ben Shapiro, who somehow got a column as a teenager, that conservatives have an obsession with teenage prodigies that never ceases to amaze. Why, yes, that is just a conservative obsession, and Greta Thunbergs youth is incidental to her fame. Later, he says, young, angry white men have historically been a pretty dangerous group. More dangerous than others, huh? Perhaps Brooks does not mean that, but the IDW has at least raised awareness that this is one of the only groups one can problematize in polite society without the whiff of scandal.

Brooks does land some powerful shots. Writing about the psychiatrist-cum-self-help guru Jordan Peterson, Brooks justly notes the absurdity of railing against alienation and atomization while tip-toeing around the alienating, atomizing forces in consumer capitalism. This is a fair point: Jordan Peterson should have read Christopher Lasch. But Brooks blames all social evils on market forces. Families are collapsing and birth rates are dropping because of relentless anxiety and undercompensation. Really? Thats it? African people have a lot more kids and I dont think that they are better compensated than Americans, Europeans and East Asians.

By the time Brooks segued into talking about how everything from air pollution to homelessness should give us psychic anguish rather than the psychological focus on the self, I was fanning my armpits with my smartphone. Of course, those are important subjects, but informing sad and lonely men that the cure for what ails them is far left activism feels more opportunistic than anything Peterson says. For all of JPs limitations and eccentricities, at least the man gave good advice like read the Bible and dont waste your time watching porn. Its not exactly Aristotle, but theres something to work with there.

Brooks has a problem in that he wants to write a funny book dunking on Dave Rubin and Jordan Peterson and a sincere left-wing internationalist manifesto. Too often without wanting to sound like Stefan Molyneux he relies on ownage rather than argumentation. A passage criticizing the belief in IQ and innate intelligence gets side-tracked by a long-winded and pointless digression about how IDW idol Christopher Hitchens rejected the concept because apparently they think he was omniscient and Brooks never gets around to addressing twin studies or predictiveness, or explaining how, if IQ is defended by white commentators trying to find scientific cover for their racial attitudes, they suggest that Jewish and Asian people have, on average, higher IQs than white people.

Brooks is also vague enough about his own ideals that they can escape the kind of scrutiny that he applies to others. We find him wringing his hands about pressing threats to democracy in todays worldrepresented by Singapore and Hungary, but also praising the noble revolutionary tradition represented by Cuba. Im not going to huff and puff about the Castros fiefdom, which is hardly the worst place in the world to live, but dont howl about threats to democracy and then get teary-eyed about a state that has been ruled by two brothers for 60 years. I hope the IDW has tarnished the romantic image of revolutionary leftism in academic and cultural spheres.

Nonetheless, I have to admit that Against the Web does offer good advice to Brookss comrades. Quoting the late Mark Fishers essay Exiting the Vampires Castle, Brooks criticizes the lefts reliance on shame-based moralizing, which has indeed served to drive a lot of left-wing men and women rightwards. Riffing on the great Trinidadian Marxist C.L.R. Jamess respect for European culture, Brooks also promotes cultural cosmopolitanism over a knee-jerk hostility towards cultural appropriation. These are great suggestions and I cynically hope that no one listens to him. But I suspect that they will not because left-wing politics, even more than right-wing politics, is so based on grievance, and on acquiring status by displaying grievance. You can laugh at Jordan Petersons rather cack-handed criticisms of postmodern Marxist feminists or whatever but at least his work is founded on the premise that nature is harsh and constrained. If you doubt this, then resentment is a natural consequence.

The Intellectual Dark Web has fractured now. Sam Harris is still droning on his podcast with more soporific power than a packet of Restoril. Rubin has become an overblown Fox News personality. God bless Jordan Peterson, wherever he is. The phenomenon left lots of people with a lot of questions. If we want them to have answers, well now is our chance.

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An autopsy of the Intellectual Dark Web - The Spectator USA

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Dave Rubin interview: His new book, censorship on the left and what he sees happening in Canada – National Post

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The National Posts Jonathan Kay recently interviewed American author Dave Rubin, whose tour for his new book, Dont Burn This Book: Thinking for Yourself in the Age of Unreason, was disrupted by the ongoing pandemic, and is now being done out of Rubins garage.

Jonathan Kay: Nice suit. Look what Im wearing. Thanks for making the rest of us look like crap.

Dave Rubin: I thought Id keep it professional, you know? Im on a book tour.

Kay: Whats it been like doing a book tour without actually touring?

Rubin: I got to tell you, its really bizarre, actually. The book came out on Tuesday, April 28, and I was supposed to be in New York the week before, doing all kinds of press, going on every TV show you can imagine and meeting with the publishers and all that good stuff. And then I was supposed to be on a book tour starting that night. We were gonna be at the Gramercy Theater in New York. And then I think I was going to be in D.C. and then across the country for the next month and a half or so. And instead, Im in my garage. I mean, this is my garage. I happened to have a studio in my garage. So its kind of funny. Were seeing all these CNN anchors in their kitchens, in their living rooms and things. I was a little ahead on the home studio thing. So Ive got a nice professional setup here, which is great. And, you know, theres a certain convenience to it that I can do this all from here. But I guess it is missing a little something. Talking to a live person always adds a little something else to the conversation. But Ive enjoyed this. And in many ways its allowed me to do more than I was going to be able to do because I can basically just, every day for the last four or five days, Im starting in the morning. I started literally at 6 a.m. and I go till about 8 p.m., with just minor minor breaks and maybe lunch, if Im lucky. So, you know, Im happy to talk to people. Im glad the books being well received. And you do what you gotta do.

Kay: You write that your original book idea was about how you abandoned the left side of the political spectrum and then you decided you had a more interesting idea. Tell me about that.

Rubin: Yeah. The original title of the book was Why I Left the Left, which is the title of a very popular PragerU video that I did that has about 20 million views or so. I became sort of a left the left guy. I talk about the regressive left and that the left is no longer liberal.

Thats very much in the mix, the stew of things that Ive been talking about for the last five years or so. And I started writing that book. And then I quickly realized I was like, you know, I dont know if I want to write a book about just what Im against or what I used to be. I want to write a book about what Im for. And thats what it became: Dont Burn This Book. But I lay out three moments in the book that were my seminal wake up moments.

I wont give you all three. Ill give you one of them. You may know David Webb, who is a commentator, conservative commentator on Sirius XM Patriot Channel. He guest hosts on Fox News all the time. And years ago when I was a lefty, I was on the Young Turks. We were watching a clip of Fox News and David Webb came on and suddenly they were saying all the worst things about him. He was just talking about some basic conservative beliefs. Doesnt even matter what he was talking about specifically. But suddenly they were calling him an Uncle Tom and a sellout and a race traitor. Just all of the worst things that you could say about somebody. And what they didnt know was that a few years before I had had a show on Sirius XM and although I was a lefty and David Webb was on the right, wed met in the hall one day and we started chatting. I used to go on his show every week and wed debate topics and then wed go downstairs and have a steak and have some whisky. And we were good, even though we disagreed on almost everything. But I knew him to be a good man and forthright and a passionate advocate for his positions.

It wasnt some fake thing. And yet here the Young Turks were, the supposed tolerant people, the people who loved diversity. And they were suddenly seeing a black man. And just because he didnt think the way they want black people to think he was the bad guy. He was all the worst things you could say about somebody. And because I knew him, it suddenly became so stark, so clear to me that when we think of racism, we think, oh, that youre racist. You dont want those people using a water fountain, something like that, which obviously is racist. But theres a new pernicious racism, which is that you say youre for groups gays, blacks, women.

But you cant be for whole groups because, believe it or not, black people think all sorts of different things. Gay people think all sorts of different things. Women think all sorts of different things. And to watch a group of supposedly tolerant people be angry at a black man who just thought differently than them, I realized was a new sort of systemic racism. And I say systemic because its sort of spread throughout all of the left. And even right now, Harvard discriminates against Asian people because they had too many Asian people by their measure being admitted to the university.

What the left does is they see racism almost everywhere except where it really is. They're looking for it constantly. So they have to find it.

Dave Rubin

Kay: But what about the counterargument that theres still a lot of old-fashioned racism thats still around.

Rubin: I dont see that now. Thats not to say that there isnt a KKK. There are some marginal white supremacist groups or the Westboro Baptist Church or something like that, which dont have any mainstream traction, because anytime they do any stupid little thing that, of course, the media goes crazy with it. Does David Duke exist? Of course. David Duke exists. Does he have any influence in any way whatsoever? Of course not. So I dont see actual influential bigotry out of the conservative side or on the right. But I do see it almost everywhere on the left. The left has become obsessed with identity, obsessed with gender and sexuality and the colour of skin. And I wouldnt even call that reverse racism. I would call that racism. If you rail all day long against white Christian men because theyre white Christian men, thats racism.

Again, Im not saying that there are no racist people on either side of the political aisle. Of course there are. But I think what the left does is they see racism almost everywhere except where it really is. Theyre looking for it constantly. So they have to find it. And just because you believe in low taxes doesnt mean youre a racist. Just because you believe that America should have a strong border, doesnt mean youre a racist.

These movements, they get equality, but then they the activists don't want to go out of business. So then they have to just keep finding new and new perceived oppression.

Dave Rubin

Kay: Your book is partly about what you call the pitfalls of leaving the left. What are those pitfalls?

Rubin: The biggest growing political movement or political ideology in America right now is the disaffected liberal, which is what I would say that I am I am a true liberal. And I lay out what classical liberalism is, which, of course, is about individual rights, meaning everyone that is a legal citizen of any country should be treated equally under the law. And then basically laissez-faire economics, light touch. Thats pretty much what my belief system is. Thats live and let live. And we could talk about the marginal differences between that and libertarianism.

As far as the pitfalls, well, I lay out some of the things that I guarantee will happen to you if you leave the left or not even leave the left once you start questioning it. Because if you remember four or five years ago when I started talking about my frustrations with the left, I was always saying we. I was saying we guys, we the left have abandoned liberalism. We have to fix liberalism. We have to stand for the things that were supposed to stand for, like free speech and open inquiry and not deplatforming speakers and destroying people. These are liberal principles. So I was doing this from the left. And what I think a lot of people see right now is that Im trying to give them the courage, I suppose, to be able to walk and not be destroyed once you pick one position that is counter to whatever mainstream leftist orthodoxy is of the day.

If you dont check all of those 10 boxes, they will eliminate you and they will try to mob you on social media. They will go after your employer. You will watch friends and family members turn on you and call you all of the worst things. And even if you say no, those are none of my beliefs. Well, then theyll move the goalposts and try to extrapolate something else on you. One of the very important tips that I give people is dont apologize unless you genuinely have done something wrong. Im not saying never apologize. Weve all wronged people. Weve all done things that are wrong. So you can apologize if its earnest. But I think a lot of times that we see this when the mob comes after celebrities all the time, you know, a celebrity will say something that everyone knows is basically right. You may remember Mario Lopez said that we shouldnt be something to the effect of we shouldnt be transitioning kids who are four years old, you know, gender transition. And its like everyone knows thats the truth. Thats not anti-trans. Its just that we might want to wait till theyre a little bit older. Then we could discuss all of that stuff. But he got mobbed. And then what does he do? He basically issues in a faux apology, even though we know he doesnt really apologize. He doesnt really feel any contrition about what he said.

Another one would be a Hollywood actor who Im sort of friendly with, Mark Duplass, he basically tweeted out something to the effect that Ben Shapiro is not the devil, he just has different political thoughts. He got mobbed and then deleted the tweet and issued an apology. And its like once you do that, once you apologize for something youre not sorry for, now theyve got their foot on your neck forever and you will never get up. And theyre using that power over you. So one of the things you can do is be brave and stand up for what you believe. And I think if more of us start doing it, we can actually silence that mob.

Kay: But political cults come from the right side of the spectrum, too, no?

Rubin: Lets not forget, it was mostly people on the right who were going after violent video games. Remember, they were trying to ban Mortal Kombat from the shelves. So these things are cyclical. And Im glad you brought it up because its an important point.

Kay: Were talking about censorship and preventing people from saying what they think. But its interesting that youre not talking about government censoring people which is what we would have been worried about 20 or maybe even 10 years ago. Instead, were talking about people censoring each other.

Rubin: We should always be wary of the government silencing dissent, silencing speech. But at the moment, I mean, Donald Trump can tweet whatever he wants and then what happens? The first hundred people that respond to him are usually blue check journalists or actors or activists, all telling him hes a Nazi, hes Hitler. Hes going to burn in hell. I mean, the worst things you can imagine. And guess what? Nobody knocks on their door. The Gestapo doesnt show up to drag them off to the gulag. I mean, theres no version of any of that. The bigger worry to me is that we are censoring ourselves. That is separate than the government. Its an important distinction.

Kay: Youre a gay man. Ive noticed, anecdotally, that many of the people pushing back against social-justice cultism are gay men, lesbians, Jews, Muslims people who have some trait that makes them stand out from ordinary white people. Do you think having at least some mark of outsider status gives you moral capital to push back?

Rubin: I love this question because Ive asked this of other guests of mine who are in similar situations. So Douglas Murray, the wonderful author from the U.K. whos written a lot about this and talked about immigration in Europe and all sorts of things. His last book, Madness of Crowds, is one of the best books of the year. He happens to be gay. Hes a gay conservative in the U.K. And Ive asked him about this. I see this from women. I see this from black people. It sort of gets to what I was saying earlier about why when you say youre for a group, you will actually crush all of the free thinkers within that group. And thats what Im trying to restore. Im trying to stop that from happening.

If youre a minority because of your sexuality or your skin colour or some of these things, now, I dont think that should give you power over people. I dont think that inherently makes your opinions correct. I mean, that would be absurd. As absurd as saying, you know, someone who is a white male, that his opinions are correct just because of that. So those are silly notions. But what I do think is probable is that if you are a minority of some sort, you start looking at the world from a bit of an outsider perspective. Youre not in the machine all the time. And because of that, you suddenly realize that uniqueness is deeply important. You realize there is something different.

So the most interesting example of this would be whats sort of happened to the gay community. I would say that for four decades, the gay community brought a tremendous amount of art and music and comedy and all of this cultural stuff that would start in gay clubs or whatever. I was never even into that scene at all. Much of this is before my time. But we all know that so much great music and all of this cultural stuff came from the gay community. Then, things shifted and the progressive movement sort of infiltrated the gay community. Im not saying, well, their intentions were bad. Gay marriage, by the way, is an extremely positive development that the progressives pushed because they were pushing for equality. But they were pushing for gay people to be equal, not to be above. And what happens usually is then these movements, they get equality, but then they the activists dont want to go out of business, sort of. So then they have to just keep finding new and new perceived oppression.

So what I think, unfortunately, has happened is the gay community, for whatever that term broadly means, they went from fighting for something. They went from being outsiders. And by the way, that comes with a lot of pain and all sorts of stuff. I mean, many gay people have written about this. And, you know, from my own experience, the pain and drugs and just doing stuff that I shouldnt have done, its just part of being closeted and the outsider and the rest of it. But you take that, then you get equality. And now thats great. Now things are good. But then the progressives move in and they kind of use you as a tool.

So if you notice, theres really nothing interesting coming out of the gay community these days. And that is to directly answer your question. That is why were watching so many gay people walk away (from progressive orthodoxy) right now. And by the way, its the exact same thing with the black community.

Kay: Youre an American. Do you find your political message resonates with Canadians? It used to be that a political writer like you was mostly a celebrity in your own country. But thanks to social media, things are much more global.

Rubin: It really, really does. Now, part of that I have to credit Jordan Peterson, obviously, because, you know, Jordan, whose origin he was a clinical psychologist in Toronto and professor at the University of Toronto, you know, hes sort of Canadas biggest export over the last couple of years, certainly intellectually their biggest export. And I toured with Jordan Peterson. We had many stops in Canada. Ive done some speaking events with Maxime Bernier from the Canadian Peoples party. And I do sense that there is a strong liberty movement growing in Canada. You know, as Justin Trudeau and the Liberals of Canada sort of extend their power. And I know you guys have all sorts of problems. You know, Western Canada and the Calgary area feeling that theyre sort of being left out from what the decision-making process is. I sense that there is a there is a strong liberty movement there. So we absolutely wonderful receptions in all of our Canadian stops. I love doing them. We had a running joke in every Canadian stop on the tour because I would moderate the Q-and-A at the end of the show. So the way the shows would work, I would do about 15 minutes of crowd warm-up. Jordan would give about an hour and a half speech and then we would do about 45 minutes of Q-and-A. And each time, somebody would ask if Jordan would run for prime minister and hed make you know, its a fun, silly comment about Trudeau. And it would always get a huge laugh. So I do sense that that there is a certain set of Canadians who are waking up to some of these more liberty or individual rights issues, which maybe isnt fully within the Canadian political ethos as much as it is within an American one.

But, yes, to your point. Look, were all on YouTube, were all podcasting. Were all doing all these things. And what is local is now everything. You know, its like everything is now local and whats local is now everything.

Kay: Thanks so much for joining us. Stay safe!

National Post

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Dave Rubin interview: His new book, censorship on the left and what he sees happening in Canada - National Post

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All Our 2019 Corrections And Clarifications – CANADALAND

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Story: The Far-Right Grassroots Movement Taking Over Canada (January 28) Correction: This article originally stated that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau had visited Kamloops in December. In fact, he visited January 9.

Story: What The Media Missed At The Jordan PetersonSlavoj iek Debate (May 1) Correction: Due to an editing error, the photo of the lineup outside the Sony Centre was initially credited to the author of the piece, rather than to Heidi Matthews. Clarification: While Live Nation was involved with making the event happen, the company did not initiate it, and so the word organized has been replaced with put on in one sentence.

Story: StarMetro Vancouver Has A Union, But Not A Contract (May 17) Clarification: Due to an editing error, this article did not originally make clear that the layoffs that greatly affected employees at StarMetro Toronto were limited to those who worked in editorial.

Story: How (Not) To Report On Vancouvers Downtown Eastside (May 27) Correction: This piece originally described Nicolas Leech-Crier as a coordinator for Megaphones Voices of the Street anthology. He is, in fact, a coordinator for Megaphones Speakers Bureau.

Story: The Guardian Paves The Way For Canadian Media To Be More Blunt About The Climate Crisis (July 18) Corrections: This piece originally said that Vice made recent changes to its style guide following The Guardians announcement. Vices changes, however, narrowly preceded The Guardians. Further, Sean Holmans title has been amended to reflect his current position as an associate professor at Calgarys Mount Royal University.

Story: You Must Be This Conservative To Ride: The Inside Story of Postmedias Right Turn (August 12) Correction: Due to an editing error, this piece originally described a John Ivison column critical of the Conservatives climate policy as having been published a week earlier than a July 17 meeting with the Ottawa bureau, on the day Libins new role was announced. While the Ivison column was indeed published on July 10, Libins new role was announced on June 10 (as stated elsewhere in the piece). Clarification: One passage has been revised to more clearly reflect that Libin was tapped to oversee certain political commentary published in Postmedia newspapers, not all of it.

Story: We Have Seen This Before In BC (October 2) Clarification: An image caption has been revised to clarify that the figure depicted in a political cartoon was BC politician Amor de Cosmos and not just a generic white man.

Story: No Indigenous Journalist Among Debate Moderators. Instead, An Offer To Be A Human Mic Stand.' (October 7) Correction: This article originally stated that APTN would be translating the debates into three Indigenous languages. In fact, APTN is broadcasting and streaming Indigenous-language versions of the debates, but the translations themselves are produced by the production partnership.

Story: CBC Had Employee Delete Tweet Critical Of Don Cherry (November 14) Clarification: A passage stating that Rogers fired Cherry has been amended to make clear the action was taken by Rogers Medias Sportsnet, which maintains editorial control over its broadcasts.

Episode: The Mud Slinging, Meme Hustling, Rage Baiting Sites You Need To Know Before The Next Election (January 6) Correction: In this episode, reporter Graeme Gordon mistakenly states that North99 Director Taylor Scollon previously worked with Navigator Ltd, the crisis communications PR firm. In fact, it was North99 co-founder Geoff Sharpe who previously worked with Navigator. We regret the error.

Episode: #261 Oh Great, Now China Hates Us (January 20) Correction: This post said Schellenberg was originally sentenced to 14 years in prison. It was 15.

Episode: #273 The Media Baron Dinner Party Where The News Bailout Was Born (April 14) Correction: In this episode, Jesse says Fox News is not available in Canada. It is.

Episode: #297 Shads Hip-Hop Evolution (October 6) Correction: A previous version misspelled Rodrigo Bascuns last name. We regret the error.

Episode: #305 Researchers Just Proved The Media Is Too White (December 9) Correction: The show notes originally misspelled Asmaa Maliks last name. We regret the error.

Episode: #196 Naughty Daughter (January 17) Correction: WE Day Ottawa 2018 took place on November 14th, 5 days before Canadaland published its second investigation into WE, not afterwards, as Jesse states on this podcast. We regret the error.

Episode: #205 Scheer And Loathing (March 21) Correction: In this episode, the shooter at the Pulse Night Club in Orlando was referred to among a list of angry white men. He was not white.

Episode: #212 Newfoundland 2: The Newfoundlanding (May 8) Correction: The show notes for this episode originally stated that the Liberals dropped a suit against Mark Norman. In fact, the Crown has stayed charges against the Vice-Admiral. We regret the error.

Episode: #213 Misfit Manchild Edgelords (May 15) Correction: A section of this show claims that Canada sent Omar Khadr to Guantanamo Bay. Whatever delayed actions the government took, it did not send Mr. Khadr to the detention facility. We regret the error. Clarification: Jesse describes Kevin Johnston as an Internet personality of the Faith Goldy, freedom talkin, anti-Islam, intellectual dark web variety. The Intellectual Dark Web is a term commonly used to refer to a group of academics, writers, and commentators including Jordan Peterson, Sam Harris, and Dave Rubin. While their ideas may be attractive to figures like Goldy and Johnston, and though it may be fair to compare the IDW to the alt-right, the two should probably not be conflated or presented as the same thing.

Episode: #216 The Word For This Is Genocide (June 6) Correction: Barrie City Councillor Keenan Aylwin has not had his pay docked, nor did the Integrity Commissioner recommend it. A decision on whether to sanction the councillor through official reprimand and removal of the post in question is scheduled to be rendered on June 12. We regret the error.

Episode: #221 Fuck You For This One, Qubec (July 10) Correction #1: The show notes listed Ben Makuch as a former Vice employee. He remains employed at Vice. Correction #2: This podcast inaccurately states that $7 million was given to the NewsMedia Council, when in fact these funds were given to News Media Canada. We regret the error.

Episode: #237 Shitty Media Management (November 7) Correction: In this episode, Jesse says that on the day the Toronto Star/Associated Press story about unsafe drinking water in 11 Canadian cities broke, The Globe and Mail was among the news sites that did not promptly pick up the story. This is inaccurate: the Globe ran the APs story before 8 a.m. on the morning of Monday, November 4th. We regret the error.

Episode: CRUDE #1: Smell This Town (April 2) Clarification: In the episode, we credit the Price of Oil series to the Toronto Star, National Observer, and Global News. The collaborative investigation also involved Concordia University, Ryerson University School of Journalism, the University of Regina, UBC, the Corporate Mapping Project, and the Michener Awards Foundation.

Episode: DYNASTIES #3 The Fords (October 15) Correction: We state in this episode that Rob Ford died in 2014. He died in March of 2016. We regret the error.

Episode: #20 Wheres Jagmeet Singh? Hes On OPPO! (January 14) Correction: This interview took place before Jagmeet Singhs appearance on CTV, not after. We regret the error.

Episode: #35 How Alberta Got Weed Right (July 29) Correction: We stated that cannabis is only available online in Manitoba. It is in fact available in a number of retail stores.

Episode: #46 About Last Night (October 22) Correction: An earlier version of this episode said that the Liberals picked up a seat in Northern Saskatchewan. That seat ended up going to the Conservatives. That detail has been removed from the show.

Episode: #15 Dirty Money, Expired Eggs: The Auditor Generals Annual Shaming (December 11) Correction: The NDPs critic for OLG and horse racing is Percy Hatfield, not Wayne Gates as stated in the show. However, Wayne Gates did provide the quote that is attributed to him in this episode.

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All Our 2019 Corrections And Clarifications - CANADALAND

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Jordan Peterson and Carl Jung’s Worldviews Have Been Greatly Oversimplified – Merion West

Posted: April 30, 2020 at 12:49 pm

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With respect to McManus and Hamilton, who have admittedly produced a very interesting article, there are characterizations and theoretical points within their article that I feel need to be addressed.


As a practicing psychotherapist investigating political expressions of psychoanalytic thought, I was very interested to read Matt McManus and Conrad Hamiltons recent critique of Jungian and Lacanian perspectives. I was also intrigued by McManus and Hamiltons choice to assign, respectively, these thinkers to the Right and Left of the political spectrum. They did this, in large part, through their interpretations of how Jordan Peterson and Slavoj iek have, in turn, drawn from each psychoanalysts work. With respect to McManus and Hamilton, who have admittedly produced a very interesting article, there are characterizations and theoretical points within their article that I feel need to be addressed. In particular, it is necessary to demonstrate more accurately the complexity of the perspectives held up as representatives (I believe inaccurately) of Left-situated or Right-situated expressions of psychoanalysis.

Although clear divisions of Lacanian thought into the Left and Jungian thought into the Right might make for an engagingyet choppy articlethere are a number of similarities between the two perspectives. There are also complexities internal to these perspectives that have to be eclipsed for this interpretation to hold. Especially noticeable in reading their article were the failure to acknowledge the left-wing Jungian streams of theoretical development (that have largely been ignored since Jungs death), the equation of Petersons focus on order from chaos with the aim of Jungian analysis in general, and the erasure of theoretical similarities between Lacan and Jungs perspectives. Also, I believe there were some inaccuracies regarding admittedly difficult aspects of Lacanian theory (the misrepresentation of the early infants relationship to the mirror stage, for example), as well as a degree of irony when the two authors (themselves influenced by Marxism) invoke charges about lacking evidence or unfalsifiabilitywhen it comes to those with whom they disagree. However, I will sideline these later concerns in favor of primarily addressing the implicit characterization of Jungian thought as being inherently conservative or right-wing in analytic approach.

To a degree, I believe that the authors are aware and acknowledge partially the complexities of Jungian thought, and this causes some discomfort with the original premise of their piece. McManus and Hamilton take pains to differentiate and separate the decidedly un-progressive personal figure of Jacques Lacan (Freud was not a progressive) from the interpretations of Lacans interlocutors. These interlocutors were often the resolutely fashionable left-wing figures, who haunt the bookshelves and syllabuses of continental philosophy departments. These names include Julia Kristeva, Luce Irigaray, and, of course, the focal figure of their article: Slavoj iek. This highlighting of the development of Lacanian theory through its academic interpreters allows it to be positioned on the Left, within the topology of McManus and Hamiltons article.

It is strange, therefore, that the Jungian analogue to psychoanalysis (analytic psychology) does not receive the same treatment. Instead, when it comes to the supposedly right-wing orientation of Jungian analytical psychology, we are presented with a paucity of examples. We are offered Jungs alleged racism, his spurious personal actions during the Second World War, and his influence on Jordan Peterson as proof for their characterization of Jung as right-wing. It is important to note here that Peterson, while a renowned clinical psychologist, was not a trained Jungian analyst. iek, on the other hand, is a trained (albeit not practicing) Lacanian analyst. As such, to use Peterson and iek as examples of their relative schools is already perhaps to overstate the point. McManus and Hamiltons somewhat impoverished overview of Jungian thought may also be partly due to the acknowledged unpopularity of Jung within the academy. The authors are academics, rather than clinicians; so their seeming lack of familiarity with the outgrowths of Jungian theory can perhaps be forgiven. Who (outside the murky world of clinical psychoanalysis and psychotherapy) could be expected to know the permutations and arcane growths of post-Jungian theory? Instead, as they did in their piece, it might be easier to focus on the twin poisons of mysticism and racism, when it comes to Jung.

McManus and Hamilton reduce Jungian thought to the twin streams of the problematic proclamations of its founder and the fiery exhortations against progressivism leveled by its most easy listening popular exponent, Jordan Peterson. Yet, there are many broadly progressive and left-wing developments that have emerged from (and been influenced by) the Jungian field. Indeed, McManus and Hamilton mention the Anti-Oedipal work of Gilles Deleuze and Flix Guattari as being desirably progressive critics of Lacan. However, McManus and Hamilton fail to mention the tribute that these two thinkers pay to Jung in their 1980 book A Thousand Plateaus. Within A Thousand Plateaus work, Jungian archetypal theory is, indeed, referenced. Although described as insufficiently deterritorializing, Jungs approach is seen by Deleuze and Guattari as being closer to the mark than the single all-encompassing Oedipal model employed by Freud. This refers to the Oedipal framework which, of course, Lacan based his entire theoretical edifice around in his return to Freud.

This Deleuzian connection runs deeper than this single mention in the Capitalism and Schizophrenia series. Deleuze further references Jungs work inhis 1968 book Difference and Repetition, and Deleuzian ideas expressed within this book are reflected theoretically in the work of the former Jungian (and creator of Archetypal Psychology) James Hillman. Hillman was originally a Jungian analyst, who guided studies at the Jung Institute in Zurich. His workwithin books such as Re-Visioning Psychologyreflects a pluralist, deconstructionist, and anti-authoritarian turn within Jungian thought. There are also influences from the Sufi mysticism of Henry Corbin. Years before Jordan Peterson arrived on the scene, Hillman had already anticipated and argued against popular conservative interpretation of Jung. He did this by critiquing the over-emphasis on the monotheistic (slaying-the-dragon-of-chaos) Hero archetype, as well as the individualist ego later associated with it.

Hillman felt the over-identification with this archetype was inherent to Western cultures excesses. And his own pluralist re-imagining of Jungian theory sought to mitigate this through emphasis on difference. He also railed preemptively against Petersonian reductions of archetypal imagery to evolutionary psychology and biological processes. Again, Hillman saw these as attempts to slay the power of the images of the unconscious, stultifying them by turning them into abstract scientific concepts. Furthermore, Hillman questioned the individualist basis of therapy, advocating for changes in the political and social world. As such, he anticipated many left-wing critiques of this individualism inherent in the profession, such as those articulated in Anti-Oedipus. As perhaps the most popular post-Jungian psychologist in the United States (apart from Peterson), it can hardly be said that Hillman was right-wing or conservative.

Further examples of radical attitudes latent within the Jungian model of analysis are plentiful. For example, the interpretation of psychosis as a breakdown-to-breakthrough, a spontaneous reorganization of the conscious self by the unconscious, also reflects and anticipates the anti-Oedipal promotion of deterritorialization, within the work of Deleuze and Guattari. The importance of Jungs personal deterritorialization and psychotic breakdown to the creation of his system are most clearly illustrated via the posthumous release of the almost Lovecraftian esoteric tome called The Red Book.The Red Book features an articulation of the content of Jungs breakdown, complete with psychedelic artwork and a hallucinogenic narrative of underworld figures. Jungian scholars such as Sonu Shamdasani and Hillman have held this as being far more foundational to the creation of his school than the influence of Freud, and the entire book can be held up as an instance of deterritorialization, par excellence. These elements do not a conservative form of psychoanalysis make. Far from the imposition of a right-wing orderor, slaying of chaosthis is a descent into the abyss of the underworld and a reforging of self and identity through deterritorialization and radical difference, in the vein of Zarathustra.

To fail to present these elements of Jungian thought and characterize it as merely a vessel of Petersonian order is to exclude its essential origin myth. With the above points in mind, it becomes difficult to maintain the view of Jungian analysis as a right-wing perspective. Although the authors of the original article do pay some heed to the contradictions between Jung and Petersons interpretations, by excluding the other half of Jung (the many ways in which Jungian theory emerges from more of a Deleuzoguattarian upsurge of radical difference and otherness), a false image of theoretical conservatism is more sustainable. It is not my intention to hold up Jung as a progressive icon in opposition to McManus and Hamiltons articleor to present him as a hidden leftist. Rather, I seek to highlight the ambiguities within his work and the more progressive tendencies of those of his followers who are not named Jordan Petersonand who have had far more legitimate clinical (though perhaps less popular) impact.

Race, Antisemitism, and Jung

Jungs behavior during the Second World War is also put forward by McManus and Hamilton as to why Jungian analytic psychology should been regarded as an inherently right-wing articulation of psychoanalysis. While it is true that Jung performed ambiguous (often unacceptably complicit) actions in regard to Nazismand made statements that even for the time and context would have been considered Antisemitic (See Stephen Froshs work on the subject)he also worked in order to help Jewish colleagues escape from Nazi Germany. Jung also explicitly criticized the Nazi regime, once the explicit barbarity of it became more apparent. This, of course, does not excuse his earlier actions or his Antisemitism. However, again, we are presented with an ambiguity that has led to intense levels of soul-searching, within the Jungian analytic profession. Theoretically, as Hamilton and McManus point out, this profession has a vested interest in exploring and articulating the shadow not only of the individual client but also of the personality of Jung himselfand of Jungian institutions.

Jungs Antisemitism especially has been laid bare not only by Frosh but by the well-respected Jungian Analyst Andrew Samuels. Samuels, as one of the most prominent and high-profile Jungian thinkers, again shows the political ambiguity in Jungian thought. Samuels actually is far more deserving of the title of representative of this school of analysis than is Peterson. Samuels, for instance, has been the chair of the United Kingdom Council for Psychotherapy. He was also an advisor for the British Labour government and one of the first professors of Jungian Analytic psychology in the world. Samuels has also long been the pre-eminent voice in political psychotherapy of any denomination: promoting a very strongly pluralist, left-wing, and progressively-orientated approach to integrating these two fields. His identity as a Jungian is not in contradiction to his political identity as a leftist. Jung and Jungian thought hold a level of ambiguity that McManus and Hamilton miss, either owing to their ignorance of its existence or as a result of misconstruing Jungs complicated background for the convenience of creating a simple binary: Left or Right.

It is Jungs initialoften deeply flawed or problematicpersonal explorations around questions of plurality, difference, and race that allowed for post-Jungian theory to develop reflexivity around these questions, which Hillman and Samuels demonstrate. This evolution is even reflected in the tribute to Jungs theory that decolonial pioneer Frantz Fanon makes in his 1952 book Black Skin, White Masks. This is the book where Fanon attributes his own theories around introjected racial consciousness as being inspired by those made by Jung. Although Fanon was a Lacanian by training (and emphasizes the constructed rather than inherent basis to archetypes in his appropriation of archetypal theory), still Fanon acknowledges that his work owes some debt to Jungs original psychoanalytic exploration of racial consciousness. Again, my point here is not to excuse Jungs racism by reference to Fanon. Rather, I aim to illustrate that even around the issues of race, Jung (and also his legacy in terms of post-Jungian analytical psychology) is far more complex than McManus and Hamilton imply.

Peterson as Senex Possessed

Although McManus and Hamilton do mention in passing that Petersons work is an idiosyncratic rendition of Jung, it is perhaps not emphasized enough how Petersons over-emphasis on the aspects of order, the individual ego, and the heroic slaying of chaos moves away from anything resembling the aim of Jungian clinical work. What these aspects of Peterson perhaps would indicate to a Jungian analyst is a personality under possession of what is called a Senex archetype: This archetype is the Grey old man, the representative of established order. It is reminiscent of the image of Saturn devouring his children. While standing for repression, stasis and, conservatism, he rails against the attempts of the young to gain power and overthrow order. The Senex is often seen as being within an archetypal complex, in which it is positioned in conflict with the archetype of the Puer (the eternal youth). We can see Peterson falling into this complex through his position as the substitute dad of estranged Western masculinity. He follows this with father-like exhortations to clean ones bedroom. Then, there is the mutual hatred between Peterson and the infantilized Puers of the social justice movement. Petersons theoretical reduction of the images of the unconscious psyche to biological and evolutionary explanations would also be likely seen by many Jungian thinkers as an example of a Senex possession. This results in an attempt to make concrete the fluid material of the unconscious. In this way, individuation and differentiation can take place and, therefore, fossilize the unconscious: ossify it in a form that is more socially and academically acceptable to explainor, as Deleuze would have, Oedipalize it.

Possession of the personality through an archetypal complex such as this is far from the aim of individuation in the Jungian sense. With more integral interpretations of Jung as seen in the works of Hillman, Samuels, or even from Jung himself (within The Red Book), individuation is, instead, articulated as being the differentiation of self via bringing forth radical difference from the unconscious. In holding Peterson as an exemplar of Jungian thought, a caricature of analytical psychology as conservative can be promoted. However, this cannot be sustained if any sort of faithful account of Jungian theory is provided.

It might be said that in trying to cleanly divide Jung and Lacan into Right and Left political positions, it is almost a replication of the Senex-Puer complex that I identified Petersons work as suffering from. Admittedly, there is perhaps some attraction in framing the perspectives of complex, ambiguous thinkers in this way. It allows one to frame ones preferred perspective as either that of a righteous rebel or, alternatively, a defender of order. The truth is thatmuch like Lacanunderneath the unipolar portrayal of Jung by McManus and Hamilton, an ambiguous figure lurks. There is a figure who is sometimes conservative but sometimes radically other. There is a figure who emphasizes individuation and differentiationbut also the influence of collective archetypes. There is a figure who saves his Jewish colleagues but promotes theories of Aryan supremacy. Jung is a profoundly complex figure. As such, there must be a reckoning with himin all of his ambiguitythroughout the academy before his form of psychoanalysis can be labelled right-wing.

Nick Opyrchal is a psychotherapist in private practice. For his M.A., he researched the intersection between Lacanian and transpersonal perspectives in psychotherapy. His current doctoral work investigates the intersection of identity politics and the transpersonal within psychotherapy.

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Jordan Peterson and Carl Jung's Worldviews Have Been Greatly Oversimplified - Merion West

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Dave Rubin Talks To Shapiro About Learning From Jordan Peterson On Tour – The Daily Wire

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On this weeks episode of The Ben Shapiro Show: Sunday Special, The Daily Wire editor-in-chief talked with Dave Rubin, the host of The Rubin Report, about his upcoming title Dont Burn This Book: Thinking For Yourself In An Age Of Unreason, which will be released on Tuesday.

During the conversation, Shapiro asks Rubin about his close-knit relationship with Professor Jordan Peterson, who remarks on the front cover of the upcoming book that it is topical, engaging, personable, and, above all, reassuring.

I want to get back to some of the lessons that you have, Shapiro told Rubin. One of the ones that really struck me, because it was actually rather moving, is your discussion of your relationship with Jordan Peterson.

Rubin then talks about an event he did with Peterson and Shapiro in Los Angeles and the vitriol that was targeted at them in response before going into some observations about Petersons resolve during his own book tour for 12 Rules For Life: An Antidote To Chaos.

We found out in the middle of the tour that his wife had what they thought was terminal cancer thank God it turned out not to be terminal, and shes actually doing much better, said Rubin.

Try and imagine this guy who was a mild-mannered psychologist and professor, who suddenly became the worlds father in a way, really the pre-eminent public thinker of our time, he said. The fame, the hit pieces. You know, you remember the enforced monogamy hit piece in The New York Times, and you remember the Cathy Newman so what youre saying is moment.

All of those things, living through all of that and then thinking his wife is going to die, said Rubin. We were at lunch, at a steakhouse of course, when he got the call about his wife. I saw this man live through something unbelievably, extraordinarily horrible or as he would say brutal and always put his best foot forward.

I never saw him break one of those rules, said Rubin, referring to the rules set forth in the professors own book. I saw him just trying to be true, and if he gave me anything, through osmosis or through accident, its that. I am really trying to do that.

Shapiro also asks whether Rubin has learned any particular lessons from Peterson, noting that a passage of Dont Burn This Book talks about the professors decision to improve his public appearance.

Rubin emphasizes the importance of dressing well, and recalled when he was touring in Sweden, he overheard a conversation between a young man and a cashier, and that the young man remarked that he was buying a suit for the first time to go see Petersons lecture.

I thought, this is absolutely incredible, said Rubin. [Hes] buying the first suit of his life so that he can present himself in a responsible way, to go to an event to hear how he can further fix his life.

After the Sunday Special was published, Peterson himself remarked that the interview between Rubin and Shapiro contained comments from good friends.


The Daily Wire, headed by bestselling author and popular podcast host Ben Shapiro, is a leading provider of conservative news, cutting through the mainstream medias rhetoric to provide readers the most important, relevant, and engaging stories of the day. Get inside access to The Daily Wire by becoming a subscriber.

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Dave Rubin Talks To Shapiro About Learning From Jordan Peterson On Tour - The Daily Wire

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The one player Michael Jordan was scared of in college? Buzz Peterson details it – The Athletic

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All the previously unreleased video clips featured in The Last Dance show Michael Jordan in a light many have never seen before, displaying his ultra-competitive reputation and fiery nature in a different capacity.

Its also led to something else: Buzz Peterson questioning his own wardrobe selection and his fashion sense during his teenage days four decades ago.

Yeah, Im sure people have been holding on to this film for years, the Hornets assistant GM told The Athletic. The part where Michael and I had on green shorts God almighty. I never knew I owned a pair of green shorts like that. I had no idea. So thats embarrassing. But Im sure there is a lot of footage out there that Im eager to see. Im eager to see how he played for the Bulls and everything. I know this: If you start running your mouth back to him, you are only stroking that fire, putting more fuel on that fire, and boy it can...

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The one player Michael Jordan was scared of in college? Buzz Peterson details it - The Athletic

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Michael Jordan feared a certain NFL legend on the basketball court, according to his North Carolina roommate – CBS Sports

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Michael Jordan wasn't easily intimidated on a basketball court. From the time that he was in high school through his final game in the NBA, Jordan never shied away from competition. Instead, he embraced it head on and usually came out on top. While it may have seemed like Jordan wasn't scared of facing off against anyone, that apparently wasn't the case.

According to Buzz Peterson, Jordan's college roommate and teammate at the University of North Carolina, there was one person in particular who injected some fear into M.J. every time he stepped onto the court. However, this wasn't anyone on the Tar Heels' roster, or even an NBA player. Instead, it was NFL All-Pro linebacker Lawrence Taylor, who had attended North Carolina prior to being drafted by the New York Giants in 1981, and apparently made frequent returns to campus.

Here's what Peterson, a member of UNC's 1982 title team, had to say about the dynamic between Jordan and Taylor in an interview with The Athletic:

There is one guy that I always thought, and I know to this day I don't know if Michael won't admit or not, but I swear that he had a little bit of fear of and it wasn't a basketball player. It was a football player by the name of Lawrence Taylor. LT, phenomenal athlete. Could guard east to west, as quick as anybody, could jump, big hands, strong and was a bit crazy. So Michael in the back of his mind said, "Shit, I better be careful with this guy." And LT always wanted to guard him."

Jordan admitting he was intimidated by anyone out on the floor is highly unlikely, but if there was one person who had a feel for Jordan's feelings at that point in time, it would be his teammate and roommate at North Carolina. Jordan, in fact, was even the best man at Peterson's wedding, and Peterson currently serves as the assistant general manager for the Charlotte Hornets, the team owned by Jordan.

Taylor was a freak athletically. During his NFL career, he won two Super Bowls, made 10 Pro Bowls, was named both MVP and Defensive Player of the Year (three times) and he led the league in sacks in 1996. He was also about 6-3 and 240 pounds. Thus, given his sheer size and athletic ability, it's certainly believable that Jordan would have second thoughts any time they matched up on the floor, even if he would never admit it.

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Michael Jordan feared a certain NFL legend on the basketball court, according to his North Carolina roommate - CBS Sports

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Michael Jordan’s ‘last dance’ at Carolina, through the eyes of his teammates – Winston-Salem Journal

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As we await two more new episodes of the basketball documentary The Last Dance, a couple of Michael Jordans former college teammates reminisced this week about another last dance with the man who is now their boss.

Joe Wolf and Buzz Peterson were at Carolina in 1984 when Jordan and the Tar Heels went on a wild ride that looked for a while like they would go down in history as one of the greatest college basketball teams of all time.

But that dance didnt end the way they dreamed.

Greensboro Swarm head basketball coach Joe Wolf directs his team from the sideline during the game against Westchester in Greensboro, N.C., on Wednesday, November 13, 2019.

We knew we were great, said Wolf, now the coach of the Charlotte Hornets' NBA G League team in Greensboro. We knew we had a chance to win it all. I just remember being in that locker room after it ended just bawling my eyes out.

That NCAA Tournament loss to Indiana was Jordans last college game. It was the end of a great story and the beginning of a fairy-tale career in the NBA.

The story of Jordans rise from his parents driveway in Wilmington to that last season at Carolina is vaguely familiar to most of us. But there are stories we dont know that help explain how he went from a frustrated junior varsity player at Laney High School to maybe the best player in the history of the game.

Buzz Peterson and Michael Jordan entered Carolina together to begin play during the 1981-82 basketball season.

It all started in that driveway, said Peterson, now the assistant general manager for the Hornets, owned by Jordan. He had two older brothers. A lot older. And they would beat the crap out of him everyday. Thats where that competitive drive started. He just wanted to beat his brothers.

Those brothers, by the way, are now on Jordan's staff in Charlotte.

Jordan said in a recent interview he was worried about how he would be portrayed in the documentary, how he famously demanded every teammate put every ounce of energy into every single game and every single practice.

If not, they risked confrontation with the most competitive man in the game.

He had that instilled in him, Peterson said. It came from his family.

Joe Wolf, left, playing against Duke.

Wolf said Jordan brought that from Wilmington to Chapel Hill. And it didnt end on the basketball court.

I had known Michael since the ninth grade. Wolf said. We had played against each other at Coach Smiths camp. To be around him everyday and see that competitive drive in every aspect was amazing. But we were all like that. Coach Smith recruited confident and competitive players of high character. Thats who we were. It didnt matter if it was practice inside Carmichael or pickup games at Granville Towers. It was even that way when we played ping-pong and pool.

Wolf tells an amazing story of how he and team manager Dean McCord would play a high-powered game of ping-pong every night after games or practices.

We were the best two players by far, he said. No one else was close. But every single night, Michael would watch us and wait to play the winner. He lost all the time. But he would still challenge me every night. I mean every night. And eventually, he got better. Eventually, he was better than us at ping-pong.

And the same thing happened with pool. I was the best pool player for a while, before Steve Bucknall came over from England. Michael played me because I was the best, but Bucknall had played snookers in England, and when Michael realized that he was better than me, Michael left me in the dust and played Bucknall every night.

Peterson said it didnt matter what game it was or just elements within the games. Jordan was going to get better at something every year of his life.

Ive known Michael since the summer of 1980, he said. "We met at the North Carolina basketball camp, though we never saw each other play. We knew of each other. He just walked up to me one day and said, Hey, my names Mike Jordan. Im from Wilmington. We became friends. And we became competitors.

Hornets owner Michael Jordan with Buzz Peterson, right, and Mitch Kupchak from his staff at a Virginia-Carolina basketball game in 2019.

Peterson played at Asheville High School on the other side of the state from Jordan, but they competed anyway. And when Peterson and not Jordan was named high school player of the year in North Carolina, well, lets just say Jordan has never forgotten it.

He still talks about it, Peterson said.

I remember talking to him that summer about camps I was going to, and he didnt know about any of them," Peterson said. "It angered him a little to hear that the top 200 players were going to a camp in Atlanta or the Five-Star Camp that he didnt know about.

Roy Williams, then a Carolina assistant coach, would later watch Jordan in a pickup game and call Howard Garfinkel to arrange his invitation to Five-Star, a weekend that Jordan would later say changed how I felt about basketball. It was the turning point in my life.

Peterson said to watch Jordans game develop year after year was amazing, even though he had his own dreams of playing in the NBA one day. Playing against Jordan every day, he said, was hard.

I had a little ego about my game, too, he said. So at first, it wasnt easy knowing hes the best player in the country. I now believe hes the best player to ever lace them up. If I had to do it all over again, Id come right back to Chapel Hill. We all would.

Michael Jordan during his North Carolina playing games.

That last season before Jordan would go pro, Carolina won its first 21 games and went undefeated in the ACC. Six players would go on to play in the NBA, and Jordan would indeed go on to be one of the greatest to play the game.

But the last dance at UNC would end in injury and defeat, first freshman point guard Kenny Smith against LSU and then Brad Daugherty in the NCAA Tournament. Jordan even fouled out of his final game, limited to 13 points.

He was hungry, Wolf said. He never took a day off. We had a special team and we worked hard. And it didnt matter what game we were playing.

Peterson said it was more than a month after that season when Jordan decided to go pro, but even then he was torn.

Wed been out the night before, I think with Davis Love, Peterson said. I remember the last thing I asked him that night when my head hit the pillow. I asked him what he was going to decide that next day.

Peterson said he would never forget Jordans response.

Buzz, he said, I dont know. I wont know until I talk to Coach Smith.

Jordans last dance at Carolina ended the next day.

Michael Jordan, with North Carolina basketball coach Dean Smith, announces on May 5, 1984, that he will leave school after his junior year to go to the NBA.

Contact Ed Hardin at 336-373-7069, and follow @Ed_Hardin on Twitter.

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Michael Jordan's 'last dance' at Carolina, through the eyes of his teammates - Winston-Salem Journal

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The Problem with Edmund Burke and Defenders of Tradition – Merion West

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The problem here is that one mans stable hierarchy and proud tradition is anothers tyrannical oppression and ideology.


Instead of casting away all our old prejudices, we cherish them to a very considerable degree, and, to take more shame to ourselves, we cherish them because they are prejudices; and the longer they have lasted and the more generally they have prevailed, the more we cherish them. We are afraid to put men to live and trade each on his own private stock of reason; because we suspect that this stock in each man is small, and that the individuals would do better to avail themselves of the general bank and capital of nations and of ages. Edmund Burke inReflections on the Revolution in France: And on the Proceedings in Certain Societies in London Relative to that Event

Many have been puzzled by post-modern conservatisms distrust of so-called liberal elites and the appeals these liberal elites make to scientific consensus, academic authority, and other rationalistic tropes. Less appreciated is the fact that this animosity on the part of post-modern conservatives has a longstanding basisfar-right priests of reason and logic notwithstanding. Conservatives have long defended tradition as the stored locus of wisdom and insight, which is only to be deviated from with great caution. This is linked to the longstanding conservative skepticism of reasons power to accurately know what is and what should be. The store of insight available to even the most intelligent personalities is so limited that it would be unwise to put faith in its power. This inclination goes back to Edmund Burke, who castigated the rationalistic philosophes of his day for thinking they could simply recreate the world wholesale from the idle speculations of their pens. For authors such as Burke and Michael Oakeshott, the skepticism towards universal reasonand the over-educated intellectuals who swear by itcan lead to flirtations with the virtues of a politics of faith. At its most extreme, in the work of figures such as Joseph de Maistre and Carl Schmitt (and the counter-Enlightenment movements they cheered on), it can trend towards an outright embrace of irrationalism.

The unusual feature of this embrace of tradition is that it is often very hard to tell what insights conservatives think we should glean from it. This relates to another fundamental feature of the conservative mind, which is that it is driven more by what Russell Kirk called an attitude or disposition that is resistant to the changes put forward by liberals and, especially, the political left. As my friend Nate Hochman put itin National Review ,the path to conservatism begins as a knee-jerk reaction to the contemporary Left: a feeling that its assertionsmustbe wrong, with little understanding of exactly why. This means that many of the defenses conservatives put forward of tradition are rationalizing, rather than rationalistic. Conservatives sense that this or that venerable institution or principle, which is being attacked for its prejudices, serves a valuable function, and they, then, set out to justify its existence. This is quite different from liberals and progressives who hold certain first principles to either be self-evident or required for any society to be called just and, then, seek to steer their own in the correct direction.

The Problem with Rationalizing Tradition

The effort to rationalize tradition is understandable. Logic bros notwithstanding, most conservatives have long understood that people often have deep emotional attachments to their shared ways of life and histories. Critics from Kant through to Benedict Anderson have often pointed out that these attachments are not nearly as natural as many suppose; states spend billions of dollars per year inspiring a sense of fidelity and loyalty to their flags. At some level, we are all intuitively aware of this, as the deepening hostility towards government officials and rhetoric implies. But that has never been sufficient to entirely break the spell of non-rational attachments to collective traditions. Moreover, as other thinkers, such as Jordan Peterson, have pointed out, these attachments reflect an even deeper need on the part of individuals for a sense of order in reality. Human life is filled with tremendous precarity, as well as the ultimate threat of total annihilation, which is tied to our existential finitude. Shared tradition provides a partial barrier against the to-and-fros of the world. And tradition cannot be easily replaced by institutional changesor even effective egalitarian economic reforms to spread wealth more evenly to protect individuals against material destitution.

However, the problems with this position are also easy to note. The first is that since conservatism is a disposition or attitude rather than a rational outlook, it will often be forced to play a reactive and defensive role against its opponents. Liberals and progressives will make a case against some institution or principle conservatives cherish, and their opponents will have to respond by building a case for it. This, often, gives conservative intellectualism a frenetic quality, with its advocates raising to a pastiche or even self-contradicting bricolage of principles, data, and even crude appeals to faith. The efforts by fusionists to reconcile an unbridled support for capitalism and freedom with support for social conservatism and religion (when the hedonism and permissiveness of the former will always undermine the latter) are representative. It also means that conservatives are always at a disadvantage. Since liberals and progressives are always on the offense, they need only win a battle once to typically triumph in perpetuity.

Conservatives must always succeed or resign themselves to the institutions and principles being cherished joining others on the ash heap of history. While it is untrue that history moves in one directionand that there cannot be successful counter-revolutionsthe inexorable entropy of existence inclines to change, rather than permanence. Finally, conservative rationalizations often fall into the performative contradictions, which inevitably tar any efforts to reject reasons authority. To demonstrate the limits of reason to challenge hierarchy, conservative intellectuals must inevitably raise rationalizing objectionsor fall into mere dogmatic assertions of fidelity. But if they do this, they also concede that there are ways to assess the value of a tradition; if the tradition is found wanting, there may be a powerful basis for abandoning it. The mere assertion this is the way we have always done things is no argument for its efficacy. People clung desperately to the idea that the sun revolved around the earth, that there were natural slaves, and that God apparently granted a divine right to rule to even the most incompetent monarchs. This brings me to a more crucial point.


More damning is that the conservative disposition can become so attached to order that it comes to support even the most unjust or evil hierarchies, if they provide the only defense against liberal and progressive change. Roger Scruton even acknowledged as such when he pointed out that conservatives will be far more willing to tolerate levels of injustice that are known and acceptable, rather than take their chances with the fickle promises of reform. The problem here is that one mans stable hierarchy and proud tradition is anothers tyrannical oppression and ideology. When the American Founding Fathers mused on the evils of slavery but conceded that changing it would bring too much disruption, they committed a banal act of moral indifference. The rot of this choice corrodes the United States to this day. Joseph de Maistre lambasted the violence of the French Revolution, while nodding approvingly at the possibility of millions of people being killed as divine punishment for beheading their monarch. J.S Mills calls for women to be granted the right to vote and to enjoy status beyond being property of their husbands were lampooned as unnatural (perhaps a reason he infamously claimed Conservatives are not necessarily stupid, but most stupid people are conservatives). Ironically, this point was well-described by F.A Hayek, the libertarian economist in his essay Why I am Not A Conservative:

In the last resort, the conservative position rests on the belief that in any society there are recognizably superior persons whose inherited standards and values and position ought to be protected and who should have a greater influence on public affairs than others. The liberal, of course, does not deny that there are some superior peoplehe is not an egalitarianbut he denies that anyone has authority to decide who these superior people are. While the conservative inclines to defend a particular established hierarchy and wishes authority to protect the status of those whom he values, the liberal feels that no respect for established values can justify the resort to privilege or monopoly or any other coercive power of the state in order to shelter such people against the forces of economic change. Though he is fully aware of the important role that cultural and intellectual elites have played in the evolution of civilization, he also believes that these elites have to prove themselves by their capacity to maintain their position under the same rules that apply to all others.

There is nothing wrong with tradition in and of itself. It is often a source of meaning and stability for individuals in a strange and chaotic world. However, there is also nothing inherently good about it either: whether one means inherited wisdom, or providential arrangements of hierarchy to the benefit of all. A mere attitude fearful of change and rationalizing justifications to avoid it is no basis for preventing important reforms that need to happen.

Matt McManus is Professor of Politics and International Relations at Tec de Monterrey, and the author of Making Human Dignity Central to International Human Rights Law and The Rise of Post-Modern Conservatism. His new projects include co-authoring a critical monograph on Jordan Peterson and a book on liberal rights for Palgrave MacMillan. Matt can be reached atmattmcmanus300@gmail.comor added on twitter vie@mattpolprof

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The Problem with Edmund Burke and Defenders of Tradition - Merion West

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April 30th, 2020 at 12:49 pm

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