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Kathua case: SC order to try the accused as an adult identifies the victim as a Muslim girl and the perpetrators as Hindus – OpIndia

Posted: November 18, 2022 at 12:30 am


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The Supreme Court on Wednesday passed an order to try one of the accused, Shubham Sangra, in the Kathua case, who had claimed to be a juvenile, as an adult. The Supreme Court set aside the order of the Chief Judicial Magistrate of Kathua and the Jammu and Kashmir High Court that had held that one of the accused in the case was a juvenile. The order was passed by Justice JB Pardiwala and Justice Ajay Rastogi.

It is held that the respondent accused was not a juvenile at the time of the commission of the offence and should be tried the way other co-accused were tried in accordance with law, Justice Pardiwala read out the operative portion of the order.

Pronouncing the verdict, Justice Pardiwala stated that a medical experts estimate regarding the age of the accused is not a statutory substitute for proof and is only an opinion.

In the order, however, the Supreme Court identified the perpetrators of the heinous crime as Hindus and the victim as a Muslim girl.

This litigation originates from the most unfortunate Kathua rape case. The Kathua rape case involved the abduction, gang rape and murder of an eight year-old Muslim girl by name X by six Hindu men and the respondent herein (claiming to be a juvenile) in January, 2018 in the Rasana village near Kathua in Jammu & Kashmir, the court said in the second para of the order passed on 16th November 2022.

While the court has chosen to identify the victim of the brutal crime as a Muslim girl and the perpetrators as Hindus, in 2018, the prosecutors who were assigned to the case were Sikhs so that communal division can be checked.

The Indian Express had reported in 2018 thatthe J&K Police want the Crime Branch case to be represented by Bhupinder Singh and Harminder Singh. The newspaper further quoted its sources saying the police want to have prosecuting officers from their own ranks but from a neutral faith to avoid further communal division. Eventually, the two had formed a part of the prosecution team along with Santok Singh Basra and one Mr Chopra.

While the police had reportedly wanted the inclusion of the Sikh lawyers to ensure that the communal divide was not depended, the Hindu-Muslim angle was reintroduced in the case as the court branded the victim as a Muslim and the perpetrators as Hindus.

When the case had come to light, of the brutal rape and murder of a minor girl from Kathua, the case was given a communal twist by several individuals who had chosen to focus on the fact that the heinous crime took place inside a temple rather than the barbaric crime itself. When the case was being used to tarnish the Hindu community, a debate had come to the fore, with several people condemning the communal colour given to the case.

The prevalent objection to the communal colour was that this was a heinous crime and should be viewed as such instead of trying to use it to show the Hindu community as a whole down.

Many individuals have questioned the need to mention the religion of the victim and the perpetrator in a brutal case of rape and murder such as that of the Kathua case. It is not often that the court mentions the religion of the accused and the victim unless there is a clear communal angle, like in the case of Delhi Riots, for example. In most cases, the court merely states the facts of the case, said one lawyer.

Even if the chargesheet says that there could be a possible motive of the crime could be community level discord, the order may mention the theories mentioned in the chargesheet, but there is no reason to identify the religion in this manner, he added.

The case relates to the brutal gang rape and murder of an eight-year-old girl in Kathua village in 2019. In June 2019, a Special Court at Pathankotsentencedthree men to life imprisonment in the case. The Court also sentenced three police officers to 5 years imprisonment for causing the destruction of evidence. The trial of Shubham Sangra was shifted to the Juvenile Justice Board. Shubham Sangra was the nephew of the main accused Sanji Ram.

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Kathua case: SC order to try the accused as an adult identifies the victim as a Muslim girl and the perpetrators as Hindus - OpIndia

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November 18th, 2022 at 12:30 am

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Why do Japa Mala have 108 beads? Is there a scientific significance of number 108? Read on – Times Now

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Significance of number 108

Photo : iStock

The number 108 has always been a highly revered number. The number 108 refers to spiritual completion. Even sun salutations are often completed in nine rounds of the 12 postures, which when multiplied, adds up to 108. The number 108 is considered important in mathematics, geometry, astrology, numerology as well.

Why do Japa Mala have 108 beads

There is a 109th bead that hangs at the bottom of a mala - guru bead. This often symbolizes the guru from whom the student received the mala or mantra, paying homage to the student-guru relationship. It is never counted among the repetitions but used as a marker for a start and end of a cycle.

108 types of feelings in a humanBoth Buddhism and Hinduism believe that every human being has 108 different types of feelings. 36 of these feelings revolve round their past, 36 revolve round the present, and the remaining 36 are based on their dreams and future ambitions.

108 in numerologyThe number 108 consists of the individual numbers 1, 0 and 8. The number 1 represents authority and leadership. The number 0 represents both nothingness and eternity, but when combined with other numbers it will amplify the vibrational influence of the other numbers. The number 8 is related to power and influence, abundance and achievement.

108 in astrologyThere are 12 zodiac signs and 9 planets and when multiplied, we get 108. Additionally, there are 27 lunar mansions, and they are divided into 4 quarters. When 27 is multiplied by 4, the result is 108.

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Why do Japa Mala have 108 beads? Is there a scientific significance of number 108? Read on - Times Now

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November 18th, 2022 at 12:30 am

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Opinion | What Indian Muslims Can and Should Learn from their Indonesian Counterparts – News18

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Indonesia is a country with which India has had relations dating back millennia. The country is one of Indias maritime neighbours and is a strategic partner today, thanks to its vast geographic expanse from Banda Aceh, just a few hundred miles south of the Indira Point in Indias Andaman & Nicobar Islands, all the way to the island of Guinea, just north of the Australian territories of Northern Australia and Queensland. However, due to the stability in the relationship between the two countries, Indonesia hardly features in popular discussions domestically. Nevertheless, it is essential to look at Indonesia as a country that has gone beyond its Islamic identity to embrace its Hindu past and to the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent, it has many lessons to offer. Although of late there has been a rise in radical Islamist elements, Indonesia has been able to thwart any such radical outfits from threatening the broader and tolerant Indonesian society.

Indonesia has had Hindu influence for more than two millennia now, with the religion and cultural practices arriving with trade. Hinduism encountered the local Javanese and Balinese religions in the region, leading to the emergence of a syncretic culture in the Indonesian Islands, even under the Srivijaya and Majapahit empires. However, with the decline of these empires and the arrival of Islam, Hinduism got restricted to a few pockets, especially on the island of Bali, which has the largest Hindu population of more than 4 million in Indonesia.

Although Indonesia today remains the largest Islamic country in the world, Hinduisms influence in the society is immense. Hinduism finds place in the cultural ethos of the land and Hindu gods are still vastly revered in Indonesia. Both Ramayana and Mahabharata have a special place in the hearts of Indonesians and are viewed as sacred scriptures. Evidence for this can be found in the form of the magnificent Arjuna Wijaya chariot statue and fountain in Central Jakarta. The statue depicts a Mahabharata epic with Sri Krishna riding the chariot with Arjuna holding, who is wielding a bow and arrow, while the chariot is being pulled by eleven horses.

In the case of Ramayana, one of the most common female names in Indonesia even today are Siti (noble virtuous woman) and Dewi (Goddess). Apart from epics, ancient Indonesian site excavations show how Shiva Lingam and its worship were commonplace in the Indonesian archipelago. Apart from Shiva, Parvati, Ganesh, Kartikeya idols have also been excavated. Even today, in Hindu majority Bali, the islands major temple called Prambanan temple demands a must visit, to get a glimpse into the Hindu way of life in Indonesia.

The Hindu influence in Indonesia is far from over. Indonesias national air carrier is named Garuda Indonesia, after the mythical bird from Hindu scripture, called Garuda. A majority Islamic country with a flag carrier named after Garuda! Even as the debate in India rages on post Arvind Kejriwals suggestion of introducing the images of Hindu gods and goddesses, Indonesian 20,000 Rupiah banknotes already sport the picture of Ganesha.

The reverence for the Sanskrit language in Indonesia is immense and the word Bahasa for the Indonesian language comes from the word Bhasha. Sanskrit lines used as Motto are used by various government organisations. For example,

i) Indonesia National Police: Rastra Sewakottama (Serving the Nation)

ii) Indonesian National Armed Forces: Tri Dharma Eka Karma (Three services, one determination)

iii) Indonesian Army: Kartika Eka Paksi (Unmatchable Bird with Noble Goals)

iv) Indonesian Navy: Jalesveva Jayamahe (Victorious on the Sea)

v) Indonesian Air Force: Swa Bhuwana Paksa (Wings of the Motherland)

Many Indonesians, irrespective of their religion, use Hindu names such as Wisnu, Surya, Indra, Arya, Putra, Aditya, Sita, etc. This is very unique especially given the country is known to be the home to worlds largest number of followers of Islam. Indonesia is showing the world a path away from radicalised and violent Islam. Countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh, etc, which were once homes to Hinduism and Sanatana Dharma are today far removed from it. What is worse is how even in India, the vast majority of followers of Islam do not identify themselves with the ancient civilisational ethos of India. How can Aftab meaning Sun find adoption so easily by practitioners of Islam in India, while the word Aditya with the same meaning cannot? How is Fatah okay while Vijay is not?

These questions are indicative of the deep generational brainwashing and deracination of the common Muslim in India. Just a few generations ago, the ancestors of most Indian Muslims must have been undoubtedly Hindu. However, for various reasons including fear for life under the Islamist tyrants have resulted in a situation where they inhabit a land, whose ethos they are not even aware of. Nehruvian secularism post-Independence has further kept them away from the mainstream. A Punjabi Hindu up North will not have any problem visiting a Hindu temple in Tamil Nadu and will coexist with Hindus from other parts of India, without any issue. But a Punjabi Muslim in Pakistan and a Bengali Muslim from Bangladesh cannot coexist with Punjabi Hindus and Bengalis Hindus. This is precisely where the crux of the issue lies.

Time has come for Indian Muslims realise how they have been manipulated by so-called secular politicians for decades to be kept deliberately away from joining the larger mainstream of Indian society. These divisions are becoming starker, thanks to social media and propaganda-filled content from across the border. More importantly, it is necessary to break the mullah nexus for Indian Muslims to be liberated from the clutches of the clergy.

Indonesia, a neighbouring Islamic country with its respect for diversity, tolerance and cultural roots based in Hindu ethos, shines as a beacon of hope. After all, India is from where these unique ideas made their way to the Indonesian Islands. It is high time Indian Muslims learnt from their Indonesian counterparts and contributed positively to the development of India.

Zeba Zoriah writes on politics, policies, culture and womens rights. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the stand of this publication.

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Opinion | What Indian Muslims Can and Should Learn from their Indonesian Counterparts - News18

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November 18th, 2022 at 12:30 am

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Gopal Mukherjee: The man who led Hindu resistance and saved Calcutta from falling into Pakistani hands – Firstpost

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For quite some time I have been getting requests to write a detailed account on Gopal Mukherjee (Gopal Pantha), in the context of the Direct Action Day, where his resistance against the Muslim League not only saved many Hindu lives but also stopped Jinnah and the Muslim League from getting their desired results. While researching on the internet it was pretty disheartening to find that not much has been documented about the man who had once singlehandedly saved the Hindus in Kolkata during Direct Action Day. Only in India and perhaps only among the Hindus (a large section of which has been systematically brainwashed by the Marxists to hate their own religion) it is possible to find such apathy, almost bordering on irreverence, towards their own savior heroes.

Gopal Patha (Mukherjee) making the idol of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. Patha always addressed himself as an admirer & ardent supporter of Bose. Image courtesy Anuj Dhar/Twitter

The bloodied history of Indias Partition will remain incomplete without a mention of the Direct Action Day or the Great Calcutta Killings of 1946, when Calcutta was in the grip of fanatic Muslim mobs that ran riot killing and raping Hindu men and women. In retaliation a group was formed by the Hindus led by Gopal Chandra Mukhopadhyay that effectively managed to save Calcutta from falling to the well-chalked out plans of the Muslim League to separate the whole of Bengal from India; a plan that was indirectly backed by the British colonial government.

What led to the Direct Action Day

Uncontrolled and brutal communal violence in Calcutta, Noakhali, and parts of Bihar forced the Congress leaders to accept the partition of India based on religious lines. Prior to the partition, the British colonial government with their divide and rule policy helped in the formation of the Muslim League, and soon inevitably it led to the establishment of the Two Nation theory by the Muslim League. By the 1930s the Muslims in Bengal had already accepted the Two Nation theory as their political doctrine, and were ready for a division of Bengal based on religious lines. The Muslims in Bengal believed in the Muslim League propaganda which said by virtue of ones religious belief, a Punjabee or an Uttar Pradesh Muslim is closer to him than his next door neighbor who belonged to some other religion (Hinduism) (Barkat, et al., Deprivation of Hindu minority in Bangladesh: Living with vested property, 2008, p. 45).

The Muslim Leagues demand and stubbornness for a separate nation for the Muslims not only fractured India in 1947, but also caused a huge bloodshed in 1946 undivided Bengal and Bihar with the start of the Direct Action Day riots. The seeds of the Direct Action Day communal riots were sowed when the Cabinet Mission in India (1946) that was formed to arrange transfer of power from British authority to Indian leadership proposed a plan for the formation of the new Dominion of India, which failed to address the Muslim Leagues proposal to divide the country into a Hindu-majority India and a Muslim-majority Pakistan. To protest against this proposal exclusion, the Muslim League decided to call for a hartal (general strike) on 16 August 1946, and named it as the Direct Action Day, wherein the League decided to show its muscle power and assert its demand for a separate nation for the Muslims.

A Muslim League Council Meeting was held from 2729 July 1946 where a resolution was passed stating that the Direct Action Day aimed at unfolding a direct action to force the creation of a Muslim majority Pakistan. Jinnah was clear enough in his indications of his intentions when he boldly stated he will have India divided or India burned, and the Muslim League had said goodbye to Constitutional methods and was ready to create trouble. Adding further fuel to the already charged up Muslim communal sentiments were the pamphlet writings by the then Mayor of Calcutta, Syed Mohammed Usman, that declared, We Muslims have had the crown and have ruled. Do not lose hearts, be ready and take swords. Oh kafir! Your doom is not far (ref: Yasmin Khan, The Great Partition: the making of India and Pakistan, 2017, p 64). This was supported by Husseyn Shahid Suhrawardy, the then Bengal chief minister, who in his speech indirectly promised no actions were to be taken against the armed Muslims should they decide to unleash their activities in the city (Yasmin Khan, ibid, p 65). Jinnah specifically used the religious and communal symbols and idioms to charge up the Muslim community into starting violence for a forced carving out of a separate nation as a Muslim homeland. There are also claims that the Bengal Chief Minister Suhrawardy during the communal violence of 16th August forcibly removed Hindu policemen from their jobs (Yasmin Khan, ibid, p 184-185).

DN Panigrahi, the author ofIndias Partition: The Story of Imperialism in Retreat, also confirmed the inaction of police and army on those ghastly days, after speaking to a foreign journalist present in Calcutta on that day, when unabated killings and rapes were carried on by Muslim mobs for 48 hours. It is said that the army was brought in only after it was felt that the Europeans might be attacked, showing the collusion between the League and the British colonial government. It was this Direct Action Day or the Great Calcutta Killings on 16th August 1946 that finally marked a psychological break between secular Hindus and the communal demand by the Muslims for a separate Islamic state named as Pakistan.

As per Nishad Hajari, author on the Partition, no one knows the death toll in what would become known as the Great Calcutta Killings. Many bodies were washed down the Hooghly or consumed in fires. The generally accepted estimate is five thousand Calcuttans were killed, while another ten to fifteen thousand had their bones broken, limbs hacked off, or bodies charred (Midnight Furies: The Deadly Legacy of Indian Partition, 2015, p. 33). The entire objective of the Direct Action Day was to flex the muscle power of the Muslim League, and to show that Hindus and Muslims were incompatible.

Gopal Mukherjee

The killing of Hindus started with the murder of two Bihari milkmen in Beliaghata on Friday 16th August early morning, and soon Hindu owned movie theatres, hotels, and shops were attacked and set on fire by Muslim mobs. Motivated by Suhrawardys assurances in the Leagues Rally, violent Muslim mobs led by criminals like Munna Chaudhary and Meena Punjabi started widespread attacks on Hindu homes and shops. There were reports of rampant killings of Hindu men and boys while Hindu girls were kidnapped and raped or kept as sex slaves. As per the reports by a police officer, Golok Bihari Majumder, bodies of naked and hacked Hindu girls were seen hanging from a slaughterhouse in central Calcutta.

As the murders and rapes continued, on 18th August Gopal Chandra Mukhopadhyay (or GopalPatha) decided to stand up against this State sponsored Muslim violence on Hindus. He belonged to a family of freedom fighters and was the nephew of the revolutionary, Anukulchandra Mukhopadhyay. Gopal Mukhopadhyay was joined by Jugal Chandra Ghosh, Basanta (a wrestler), and Vijay Singh Nahar, and together they formed the Bharat Jatiya Bahini, an organization that armed Hindus with weapons like with pistols (sourced from American soldiers), lathis, spears, knives, swords, and also acid bombs. Hundreds of Hindus (Bengalis, Sikhs, Odiyas, Biharis, and UP-ites) from the various Vyayam Samitis of Calcutta and its adjoining areas, along with Arya Samajis and members of the Hindu Mahasabha came forward to take part in the resistance.

As the Hindu resistance gained ground, the numbers of Muslim casualties rose, and soon the latter panicked and started leaving the city, even though the clashes continued for nearly a week. From 18th to 20th August Gopal Patha and the other Hindu leaders specifically identified and killed the Muslims who had taken part in rapes and killings of the Hindus. Members of the Muslim National Guard, a militant body associated with the Muslim League, were killed in large numbers; however no Muslim women or children were touched by the Hindus during the resistance. By 20th August Suhrawardy realized he couldnt displace the Hindus from Calcutta, and his dreams of making the entire Bengal along with Calcutta a part of Pakistan would not be fulfilled.

In order to save himself and his government, Suhrawardy along with G G Ajmiri and Sheikh Mujibur Rehman (the founder of Bangladesh and a member of the Muslim League), appealed to Gopal Mukherjee to end the killings. Gopal Mukherjee agreed on the condition that the Muslim League would first make its members lay down their weapons and promise to stop all killings of Hindus. Finally, on 21 August, Bengal came under direct Viceroys rule and the army was deployed in the city. To save his chair Suhrawardy had agreed to all of Gopal Mukherjees conditions; however on 21 August 1946, once the army was deployed, the British Viceroy, Lord Archibald Wavell dismissed Suhrawardy and his Muslim League government. Later Gopal Mukherjee also refused to surrender arms to Gandhiji, when the latter came and asked Hindus to surrender their weapons, few months after the riots. Gopal Mukherjee bluntly said he will not surrender his weapons to Gandhiji who was nowhere in sight when Hindus were being killed and raped during the Great Calcutta Killings.

Gopal Mukherjee

Gopal Mukherjee

It goes beyond saying that if Gopal Mukherjee had not spearheaded the Hindu Resistance from 18 August 1946 onwards against the State sponsored Muslim mob violence, the entire area now known as West Bengal would have become a part of Pakistan in 1947, and Calcutta would have been a city in the newly formed Islamic majority state of Pakistan, which was the desired objective of Jinnah and the Muslim league in their Direct Action Day plan.

(Note: There are interviews of Gopal Mukherjee and discussions on him on few Youtube channels. Do take some time out and check these videos. You just need to type Gopal Mukherjee or Gopal Pantha. While listening to these, please keep in mind the horrific situation at that time created by the Muslim League and the violent Muslim mobs, and understand why he was forced to create the Hindu Resistance, without which the Hindus in Bengal would have had no future).

Some personal details on Gopal Mukherjee as I found on the internet:

Gopal Mukherjee was born on 13th May 1913 in Malanga Lane of Bowbazar, Kolkata. His family was originally from the Chuadanga district of East Bengal (now Bangladesh), and had moved to Kolkata in the 1890s, where they owned a meat shop. Gopal Mukherjee died in Kolkata in 2005.

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Gopal Mukherjee: The man who led Hindu resistance and saved Calcutta from falling into Pakistani hands - Firstpost

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November 18th, 2022 at 12:30 am

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Sects and Riots Have Led to Hindutvas Rise in Gujarat: Writer-Activist Achyut Yagnik – NewsClick

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In less than a fortnight, Gujarat will vote to elect its new Assembly. Opinion polls suggest the Bharatiya Janata Party will likely return to power all over again. This testifies to the possibility that the partys Hindutva ideology has increasingly become Gujarats common sense. Against this common sense even the two other contenders in the electionsthe Congress and the Aam Aadmi Partydo not argue or campaign. In 2017, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi visited several temples during his campaign, offering to the people what is, rather erroneously, described as a softer version of Hindutva. This time round, it is AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal who has gone out of his way to flaunt his Hindu identity.

Is it right to say Hindutva is now Gujarats common sense? Through what processes did Hindutva acquire hegemony? NewsClick turned to Achyut Yagnik to answer these questions. Yagnik was a journalist until 1980 and also taught in Gujarat University. Thereafter, he established the Centre for Social Knowledge and Action, which works for marginalised groups. He has written several books, none as important, relevant and readable as The Shaping of Modern Gujarat: Plurality, Hindutva and Beyond, which he co-authored with Suchitra Sheth. Excerpts from an interview:

Your book, The Shaping of Modern Gujarat, speaks of Kshatriya ruler Siddharaj Solanki who ordered the rebuilding of a mosque that was destroyed in Cambay (Khambhat) in the 12th century. Do you envisage such a scenario in todays Gujarat?

No, no, no way. The distancing between the communities is enormous today. I live on the other side of the Sabarmati River, in the citys modern quarters. You find the Muslim locality of Juhapura at one end. Then there are Hindu areas. At the other end, you will find Dalit housing societies.

By the way, Siddharaj also punished the culprit responsible for destroying the mosque. This seems unthinkable today. For instance, those convicted in the gang-rape of Bilkis Bano and killing of four members of her family were given life imprisonment. Yet their sentence was remitted and they walked out of jail. The Bharatiya Janata Partys candidate from Naroda in the forthcoming Assembly elections is Payal Kukrani, whose father Manoj was among the 32 people convicted for their role in the Naroda Patiya massacre. The conduct of the state government is reverse of that of Siddharaj. The people of Gujarat, today, do not talk of Bilkis Bano and the torture she underwent. There is no sense of remorse in Gujarat about the grisly violence of 2002.

In your book, you discuss the geography of violence in 2002. You write that the areas where the most intense violence took place in 2002 also happened to be the places where the Assembly seats were dominated by the Congress. There seems to be an obvious connection between violence and Hindutva or BJP mobilisation.

There is just no doubt about that. Violence spawned a Hindu vote-bank. But obviously, it is difficult to prove whether the BJP sponsored the violence, or only some elements in the party.

In your book, you trace the creation of boundaries between Hindus and Muslims from the late 19th century.

These boundaries were created and became rigid in post-Independence India. Thereafter, more and more distancing has progressively happened between the two communities. There was a big riot in 1969. The widespread sentiment then, as I point out in my book, was that it was time the Muslim were taught a lesson. For the first time, the unwritten norm that lives of women would be spared was broken and instance of attacks on women were reported. By 1986, the existence of such a norm in the past was forgotten. The first instances of mass burning took place in Surat city and Mansa town in north Gujarat in 1992. The first instances of violence on women taking the form of sexual abuse with sticks and poles were reported during this time from Surat. Every riot hardened the boundaries, reaching an apogee in 2002.

Would it be correct to say that the 2002 riots have changed the very quality of relationship between Hindus and Muslims?

The process started earlier, but, yes, after 2002, it can be said that the distancing of Juhapura is complete in every sense of the word. It is a separate place now.

Have the 2002 riots left no possibility of re-building the bridges between the two communities?

Earlier, Ahmedabad was a textile centre. Textile workers lived in proximity to the textile mills where they were employed. The working class drew people from both the religious communities. They lived together. You had mixed neighbourhoods. But textile mills closed down. Mixed neighbourhoods have gradually become a thing of the past.

Has Hindutva become Gujarats common sense and acquired hegemony?

This is particularly true of the Gujarati middle class, which has become Hindutva-ised. By Hindutva-ised, I mean the middle class has become Hindu fundamentalist. For them, it is also a matter of importance to them that two of their ownNarendra Modi and Amit Shahare calling the shots at the Centre.

Various modern sects, such as the Bochasan sub-sect of the Swaminarayan sect, Swadhyay Parivar and Asharam Ashram, have also played a significance role in making Hindutva hegemonic or Gujarats common sense. Earlier, caste was central in the lives of people. For instance, the Brahmins are divided into 84 sub-castes. In rural Gujarat, in the earlier decades, when all Brahmins were called for a feast, they would say. Aaj chaurasi haiToday is chaurasi (84). Sub-castes are no longer important. The people, particularly the middle class, now operate under the larger Hindutva identity. So, yes, Hindutva has become hegemonic.

Do you think Hindutvas hegemony will be again reflected in the forthcoming elections?

Certainly. The Gujaratis are very happy that two Gujjus are occupying the two highest positions in the country. They would not want Modi and Shah to be weakened.

In your book, you write that equating Gujarat with Hindutva is an oversimplification of a complex web of Gujarat polity and society. Your book was published in 2005. Do you think the situation has changed from what it was in 2005?

It has changed in the sense that more and more middle class has been Hindutva-ised. The newly urbanised people join sects. It is a case of doctors getting patients and patients getting doctors.

What is the role of sects in the spread of Hindutva in Gujarat?

Gujarat is a highly urbanised and industrialised state. [According to the 2011 Census, Gujarats urban population was around 42.6% of the states.] The two processes create anxieties in them. Life in cities is inherently insecure. But the people do not have a caste network to rely upon. They joined the sects. They provide their members with a social and psychological support, and give them a sense of belonging to a community, heightened by the congregational prayers these sects hold. The sect network helps them to get employment or financial help. These sects, too, are Hindutva-ised.

How have these sects been Hindutva-ised?

To begin with, for very obvious reasons, you will not find Muslims in these sects. Their outlook is very similar to that of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). For instance, one of these sects say on their website that they aim to preserve Indian culture and the Hindu ideals of faith, unity and selfless service in diverse communities. They speak about the glorious Hindu past, the need to rediscover that past, and Hindu pride. They speak of Hindu assertion. They do not discuss the different systems of Hindu philosophy. But these sects also volunteer humanitarian and charity service, run programmes in rural Gujarat, and have also established educational institutes.

You can very well see a close overlap between their outlook and that of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. At times, it is difficult to speak to members of these modern sects.

The upwardly mobile members of the middle class join influential, modern Hindu sects to validate their newly acquired status and to gain entry into new networks of social security and patronage. The Gujarati diaspora, too, has been drawn to these new sects as many immigrants became increasingly conscious that children born in America are losing touch with their culture and the sects become the route for a cultural journey in search of their roots. The sects also fulfil their need for a fraternity and other needs such as finding grooms and brides for their children or support for children who come to India to study. That the Swaminarayan sect of Bochasan, known as BAPS, built more than 30 magnificent temples in in the United States speaks for itself.

And these sects gained from their western connection?

The Western connection of these sects has enriched them in more than one way. They have become powerful and prestigious at home and attract a large number of OBC, Dalit and tribal middle-class families to their fold. Although the Sangh Parivar has been preaching Hindu unity from the beginning, in day-to-day practice they support sect and sub-sect identities, and make no attempt to transcend these inherent hierarchies and divisions in any manner. Thus the Sangh Parivar achieved the status of a Mahakumbh where every Hindu, with new or old socio-cultural ties, finds self-validation and space in the holy congregation.

Is there in Gujarat a Hindu vote-bank? How is it mobilised during the elections?

The riots of 2002 did expand and consolidate the Hindu vote-bank, which was spawned and built upon through successive riots post-Independence. In urban Gujarat, the Hindu vote-bank is held together by the sects. But it is also true that the BJP is organisationally far stronger than the Congress. That is because of the wide network the RSS has in the state. The Seva Dal, the youth wing of the Congress, could have been a counter to the RSS. But you hardly find a significant presence of the Seva Dal in the state. They are barely visible. Therefore, the relationship between the Congress and the younger generation has broken down.

Why is it that the Congress could not build upon the tradition of Gandhi to mobilise people against Hindutva?

It is because of the Congress leadership in the state. Earlier, for instance, the Congress had Madhavsinh Solanki and Jinabhai Darji. They knew every constituency very well. You do not find such leaders now. The current Congress leadership is without any imagination.

You mean the leadership in the state or in Delhi?

Both. But particularly the leadership in Gujarat.

The commitment of Congress members to the party is weak. So many of its members who won in 2017 left the Congress to join the BJP.

The BJP won 127 seats in 2002, 117 in 2007, 115 in 2013 and 99 in 2017. On the other hand, the Congress won 51 in 2002, 59 in 2007, 61 in 2013 and 77 in 2017. While the seats of the Congress have been increasing, its influence has been decreasing. This is largely because of the growing strength of sects, which indirectly support the BJPs ideology. The Hindu middle class is enamoured of the BJP, largely because of the influence of these sects on this class.

Could Hindutva have become hegemonic or strong without Modi?

The rise of Modi and Shah in Gujarat could not have happened without the rise of Hindutva. And the rise of Hindutva could not have happened without the rise of sects in urban Gujarat. The 2002 riots yielded enormous political benefits for Modi. You can say the ascendancy of Hindutva is the most important factor why the 2002 riots did not lead to revulsion among the people.

More disturbing than the callousness witnessed during the 2002 riots was the utter silence of spiritual leaders of most modern sects in Gujarat, including the Jains for whom ahimsa is the cardinal principle. The larger ethical and moral questions raised by the epics were conveniently ignored by them. For instance, the famous dictum ahimsa paramodharmanon-violence is supreme religionwas preached by Bhishma after the great battle of Mahabharata.

This central principle of Hindu tradition was effectively sidestepped and the pertinent question of non-violence was scarcely mentioned. In fact, just as the lines between the state and the Sangh Parivar were blurred, so was the demarcation between the Sangh Parivar and the Hindu sects.

This development was reflected in a newspaper announcement on the day of Assembly elections in December 2002 when Fulchhab, a widely circulated Gujarati daily from Saurashtra, carried a prominent advertisement by the VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad) which exhorted all Hindus to vote for the protectors of Hindu culture. In the list of signatories to the advertisement, the local swamis of the Swaminarayan sect topped the list, followed by the local head of the Asharam.

I am 77 years old. The Hinduism as we understood is very different from how Hinduism is understood today.

Can you mark out the distinction between these two types of Hinduism?

I, for instance, was more engaged with the Hindu philosophy. We imbibed the Hindu spirit reflected by the term Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, or the whole world is one family. This spirit I conveyed to the students in Gujarat University, where I taught. Today, people are more engaged with the philosophy of sects, which emphasise the greatness of Hindus and how they are destined to rule the world.

It is clear from your book that the upper castesBrahmins, Banias and Patidarswere instrumental in the rise of Hindutva, largely because they saw the idea of uniting Hindus as a way to thwart the challenge to their control over power by the KHAM (Kshatriya, Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims) social alliance. How come the subaltern groups, like Dalits and Adivasis, were unable to comprehend the BJPs game?

One reason is that the three social groupsBrahmins, Banias and Patidarsplayed a major role in the urbanisation of Gujarat. The caste contradictions were papered over by the presence and activities of sects. Solanki was a lower Kshatriya, essentially belonging to the Bariya caste, which is an OBC. He and Darji gave importance to marginalised groups, underscored by the Congress partys decision to extend reservation to the OBCs in the 1980s.

But we must not ignore the factor of education. Sayajirao Gaekwad [1863-1939], the ruler of Baroda, spread education in the area he ruled. His state had better educational attainment than the areas ruled by the British. He focussed on the tribal belt as well. When Brahmins refused to teach in the tribal belt, he appointed Muslim teachers. He concentrated on the education of women also. Education helped spawn a middle class among tribals as well. They migrated to urban Gujarat in search of jobs. And they too joined various sects. They, too, have increasingly taken to talking of Hindutva, as have their leaders.

So, essentially, the battle in Gujarat is over defining or re-defining Hinduism. We have, let us say, Gandhis idea of Hinduism on one side, and on the other side, we have the Sanghs conception of Hinduism.

The ideas represented by the Sangh Parivar was given a boost because of the series of riots Gujarat witnessed since 1947. Their network in the state expanded. In contrast, the Gandhian ideas have declined. The Gandhian institutions, such as Gujarat Vidyapeeth, which was established by Gandhi in 1920, are no longer playing the role they didor as they should have now. The current Congress leadership has no imagination to fight this battle. The RSS-type institutes have prospered. This has enabled the RSS to preach and propagate its idea of Hinduism without any robust challenge.

(Ajaz Ashraf is an independent journalist.)

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Sects and Riots Have Led to Hindutvas Rise in Gujarat: Writer-Activist Achyut Yagnik - NewsClick

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November 18th, 2022 at 12:30 am

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Stances of Faiths on LGBTQ Issues: Hinduism

Posted: September 9, 2022 at 1:54 am


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In Hindu belief, deities can take many forms, but all combine in the universal spirit of Brahman. Unlike Judaism, Christianity and Islam, which focus on the actions of a single lifetime, Hindu belief centers on a continuous process of birth and rebirth that ultimately releases the true self from the limitations of body and the ego a freeing of the spirit called moksha. That process includes a release from sensual experiences, including sexuality. Hindu sacred texts, however, do not distinguish between heterosexual and homosexual acts. While Hindu sacred texts do not specifically use those terms (heterosexual and homosexual), they do distinguish between procreative sexual acts (within marriage) and non-procreative sexual acts such as oral, etc. The latter are explicitly discouraged not for the common man but for brahmanas and priests.

Because there is no central Hindu authority, attitudes to LGBTQ issues vary at different temples and ashrams. The Hindu American Foundation, in its policy brief on Hindus and Homosexuality, notes that Hinduism does not provide a fundamental spiritual reason to reject or ostracize LGBTQ individuals,and that, Given their inherent spiritual equality, Hindus should not socially ostracize LGBT individuals, but should accept them as fellow sojourners on the path to moksha.

The Vedas refer to a "third sex," roughly defined as people for whom sex is not procreative, either through impotence or a lack of desire for the opposite sex. Members of the third sex are not ostracized, however, and are sometimes recognized for having divine powers or insights. The Kama Sutra, a Hindu text detailing the pleasures of sexuality, states that same-sex experience is "to be engaged in and enjoyed for its own sake as one of the arts."

Nevertheless, some Hindu communities continue to be unwelcoming of LGBTQ people, often reflecting attitudes imported from conquering nations, such as the British Empire in India.

The Gay & Lesbian Vaishnava Association (GALVA) highlights, in its report Homosexuality, Hinduism and the Third Gender, the gender fluidity of Hindu deities, and notes that everything in this world is a reflection of the original subtle and spiritual reality. The epic Mahabharata features the transgender character Sikhandin, and depicts the warrior Arjuna cross-dressing to become Brihannala, teacher of fine arts. GALVA further notes, Vedic culture allowed transgender people of the third sex, known as hijras, to live openly according to their gender identity. As stated above, contemporary attitudes will vary across different Hindu organizations and society.

According to the Dharma Shastras, marriage has distinct functions, including Prajaa, or procreation. Some, therefore, view same-sex marriage has unacceptable. However, its also clear that the Dharma Shastras are guides not binding texts and that there are multiple ways to define or interpret the idea of Prajaa. Today, marriage equality enjoys support among Hindu Americans and same-sex Hindu marriage ceremonies are celebrated in the United States by some Hindu priests.

There is no formal policy on anti-discriminationprotections for LGBTQ people.

Rules for ordination vary but usually require years of study, knowledge of Sanskrit and a commitment to purity. Celibate men and women can be ordained as Hindu priests.

Council of Hindu Temples of North America45-57 Bowne StreetFlushing, NY11355Website:www.chtna.org

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Stances of Faiths on LGBTQ Issues: Hinduism

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September 9th, 2022 at 1:54 am

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At 47%, Hinduism biggest gainer in religious conversion in Kerala

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Express News Service

THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: While the BJP, in its election manifesto, has promised an Uttar Pradesh model law against forceful religious conversion and love jihad in Kerala to woo Hindu and Christian voters, the data sourced by TNIE from the government gazettes paint an altogether different picture.

According to official figures for the year 2020, the biggest gainer in terms of new converts was Hinduism. People who embraced Hinduism constituted 47 per cent of religious conversions in Kerala during the one-year period under reference.

Of the total 506 people who registered their change of religion with the government, 241 were those who converted from Christianity or Islam to Hinduism. A total of 144 persons adopted Islam whereas Christianity received 119 new believers in the year, shows the data.

32 people left Islam for Hinduism

As per the rule, people who officially change their religion, including minors, have to advertise it in the gazette. 72% of the new converts to Hinduism were Dalit Christians, mostly Christian Cheramars, Christian Sambavas and Christian Pulayas. It was evident that lack of reservation benefits forced many Dalit Christians to re-embrace Hinduism. Also, 32 people left Islam to join Hinduism.

Christianity lost 242 believers to the other two religions and attracted only 119 persons. Islam gained 144 new believers and lost 40 during the period. Buddhism received two new believers who switched from Hinduism.

77% of the new converts to Islam were Hindus and 63% women. It attracted the highest number of persons from Ezhava, Thiyya and Nair communities. 25 persons, including 13 females, switched from Hindu Ezhava to Islam.

17 Thiyya community members including 11 females converted to Islam. 17 persons including 12 females were from the Nair community. Of the 33 persons who crossed over to Islam from Christianity, 9 were Syrian Catholics, who included two women.

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At 47%, Hinduism biggest gainer in religious conversion in Kerala

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September 9th, 2022 at 1:54 am

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Hinduism to be explored Sept. 9 and 16 at the Library of the Chathams – New Jersey Hills

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CHATHAM - The Library of the Chathams is continuing its world religions series of lectures with Hinduism.

The first part will take place at 10 a.m. on Friday, Sept. 9 and the second at the same time on Friday, Sept. 16, both in the Lundt Room. A Zoom option will also be made available for both sessions.

Karen Pechilis, History Department Chair at Drew University and former Arts & Letters program director at Drews Caspersen School of Graduate Studies, will lead both lectures, teaching participants about the core tenets, beliefs, practices and cultures of Hinduism.

Pechilis teaches undergraduate and graduate courses on world religions and global history.

The first lecture on Sept. 9 will start with a brief historical survey of the roots and evolution of Hinduism through its formative classical period, including an overview of the renowned Bhagavad Gita. The second lecture on Sept. 16 will examine contemporary Hinduism, including an introduction to the impressive Hindu temples in the United States.

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Hinduism to be explored Sept. 9 and 16 at the Library of the Chathams - New Jersey Hills

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September 9th, 2022 at 1:54 am

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Jammu and Kashmir: Govt official Abdul Rashid suspended for hurting religious sentiments, had used beef jibes to mock eating habits of Hindus -…

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On September 6, District Magistrate Rajouri suspended Assistant Commissioner Panchayat Abdul Rashid Kholi (JKAS) for hurting the religious sentiments of a Hindu colleague by using cow jibes after he refused to eat meat.

In the order issued by DM Vikas Kundal, it was mentioned that his office received a complaint against Rashid where the complainant alleged he had made some objectionable remarks about a particular religion during a lunch at a hotel during office hours where four other subordinates were also present.

The order read, [The] conduct of the officer is not only a violation of service conduct rules but also an issue of hurting religious sentiments of other community and has the potential of creating Law and Order problem within the district. Therefore, keeping in view of the above facts, Mr Abdul Rashid Kholi AC Panchayat is hereby placed under suspension with immediate effect.

A committee has been formed under Pawan Parihar, ADDC Rajouri, to enquire into the matter. The committee will report back in 15 days to the DM.

A complaint was filed by Secretary Panchayat Sanjeet Sharma to the DM where he had a complaint about Abdul Rashid and informed DM about the derogatory remarks he had passed when Sharma refused to eat meat. He mentioned in the complaint that the group was out to have lunch during office hours at Hotel Blue Star located in Muradpur. Zaheer Malik (Secretary Panchayat), Utish Ashok(Secretary Panchayat), and Tahir Mirza, MIS Operator, were also present at lunch, along with Sharma and Kholi.

When they ordered food, four of them ordered non-vegetarian food of their choice, but Sharma being a vegetarian, ordered vegetarian food. Rashid noticed that Sharma did not order anything non-vegetarian and asked him the reason, to which Sharma informed him that he was vegetarian and did not like non-vegetarian food.

Sharmas refusal to eat food irked AC Panchayat Rajouri, who used objectionable and un-parliamentary language against Hindu religion. Sharma said, By quoting VEDAS, He said If you eat eggs, you will become holy(Pure) for one day, If you eat chicken you will become holy for seven days, If you eat mutton you will become holy for one Month, but I was shocked when he told me that if you eat beef (Cow meat), you will become holy for one year. When I objected to his words, he repeatedly told me its a fact which is written in your religious scriptures. He said you didnt read them.

Sharma mentioned that the other colleagues present at the table did not intervene. To his shock, Kholi further asked him to read the religious scriptures of Hinduism, and he would convert to Islam. He said, The others colleagues were mute spectators. He said to go through your religious scriptures by reading them, you will convert to Islam. These objectionable comments on religious sanctity shocked me, which was unbearable and unacceptable at any cost.

Sharma tried his level best and objected to the remarks as much as he could, but Kohli allegedly did not stop and continued to insult Hinduism and Hindus. He added that Kholis remarks for a specific religion despite being on a respectable post speaks volumes of his agenda.

Rashid threatened Sharma with removing him from his post

Sharma added that when he objected to the remarks, Rashid threatened that he would quash him from his post. He said, Being a subordinate of him, I did tell you to stop such remarks, then he threatened me of quashing from the post. Sir, is the services of an employee being ruled as Islamic rule or by laws framed by Indian constitution? I wondered how an officer can force someone to convert and do against the principles of ones religion.

Sharma said he would resign from his post but would not convert and eat whatever he decided to eat. He also requested DM to take appropriate legal action against Rashid as per the service rules and the law of the land.

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Jammu and Kashmir: Govt official Abdul Rashid suspended for hurting religious sentiments, had used beef jibes to mock eating habits of Hindus -...

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September 9th, 2022 at 1:54 am

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MP High Court wants Ghaziabad Arya Samaj trust probed for converting people to Hinduism – ThePrint

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New Delhi: The Madhya Pradesh High Court ordered an investigation Tuesday against an Arya Samaj trust in Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, for allegedly converting people from one religion to another and solemnising marriages without any authority of law.

A bench of justices Rohit Arya and Milind Ramesh Phadke directed Ghaziabads senior superintendent of police to look into the members, activities and account books of the Arya Samaj Vivah Mandir (temple marriage) Trust and to take suitable corrective measures according to the law.

If need be, the court added, the police should forward an enquiry report to the competent authority under the relevant Trust Act to initiate action against it.

The court said that the activities of the trust were tantamount to running marriage shops on commercial lines and posed a threat to the sanctity attached to marriages recognised under personal laws, particularly Hindu Marriage Act.

The court maintained that an Arya Samaj trust can solemnise marriage between two Arya Samajis but cannot convert someone from one religion to another.

The court order came on a habeas corpus petition filed by a Hindu man in December 2021, seeking the release of his wife from a womens shelter in Gwalior, where she had been lodged.

However, the habeas corpus petition had then turned into an enquiry into how the woman was converted from Islam to Hinduism.

In Tuesdays order, the court also held that the womans conversion certificate as well as the couples marriage certificate were null and void.

Also read: Compels conversion, violates liberty: Why Allahabad HC ripped into Special Marriage Act

In 2019, a couple who had eloped from Madhya Pradesh tied the knot at the Arya Samaj Vivah Mandir Trust in Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh.

The marriage was solemnised after the woman a Muslim who had converted to Hinduism signed an affidavit in the presence of the temples president, embracing the new religion.

When the couple returned to their home state, the woman moved a petition in the MP High Court for police protection.

The HC ordered the couple to appear before the area sub-divisional magistrate, who, on noticing that the girl was three months short of adulthood, ordered for her custody to be handed over to a Nari Niketan in Gwalior.

In December 2021, the man approached the HC with a plea that his wife had now attained majority and, therefore, should be released to live with him.

But instead, his petition turned into an inquiry into the womans conversion under the Arya Samaj tradition and the legality of the couples marriage. The HC then issued a notice to MPs advocate-general and the Vivah Mandir Trust for their response.

The trust raised a preliminary objection about the jurisdiction of the MP High Court to deal with the matter since the marriage had taken place in UP. On the issue of the conversion and the womans age, the trust claimed that her Aadhaar card had indicated that she was an adult.

Further, the trust said, she had submitted an affidavit to confirm her conversion to Hinduism and that she was marrying out of her free will. The conversion certificate was issued to the girl on the basis of this affidavit.

The MP government rejected the challenge to the high courts jurisdiction on the ground that the couple belonged to MP and were residing in the state when the habeas corpus petition was filed.

The state accused the trust of illegally issuing certificates of marriage and religious conversion.

The alleged act of conversion and marriage, in fact, are classic instances of fraud and mis-representation alluring the ignorant young boys and girls the state lawyer told the bench.

The court accepted the states concern that the trust had committed a public wrong and had posed a serious threat to public order and social fabric. It also averred that the trusts actions had the potential to trigger mass unrest and communal tensions.

The court further drew attention to the fact that the trust facilitated the conversion without informing the district magistrate of the couples area.

This, the court added, was imperative under the Madhya Pradesh Dharma Swatantrya Adhiniyam (Religious Freedom Act), 1968, that provides for a detailed religious conversion ceremony.

A similar law prevails in UP, but the trust did not intimate the district magistrate of Ghaziabad either, the court observed.

Further, it said, a marriage certificate can only be issued by a competent authority as provided under the Special Marriage Act or the Compulsory Registration of Marriage Rules, for which the trust was not qualified. Therefore, the court said, it had no hesitation in holding that the conversion and marriage certificates were both without any authority of law and, hence, null and void.

On the issue of the womans release, the court observed that since she was an adult, she had the right to choose her life. It asked the authorities to let her speak with her parents through video-conference. She can, thereafter, decide who to live with.

(Edited by Asavari Singh)

Also read: Karnataka HC misread Quran translation to hold hijab not essential, petitioner tells SC

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MP High Court wants Ghaziabad Arya Samaj trust probed for converting people to Hinduism - ThePrint

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September 9th, 2022 at 1:54 am

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